BJ Murphy: Supporting China's 1989 crackdown at Tiananmen
- Details
- Category: History
- Created on Sunday, 05 June 2011 06:06
- Written by BJ Murphy
The following is a critical response to Mike Ely's Remembering the Rebels of Tiananmen
This engages the question of who was right in the 1989 events -- the anti-government protesters or the government that dispersed them. Was this an oppressive government that had restored capitalism -- or were the protesters (as BJ Murphy insists) counterrevolutionaries undermining the hopes of continuing socialism.
And this is more than a historical controversy over one generaton's moment: This controversy naturally involves questions of whether China was socialist at that time (and now), what exactly socialism is, how to view the mass repression of people opposing their governments, and as BJ himself writes it is connected to his support for Libya's government during the recent mass uprisings of North Africa.
Posting BJ's essay here does not represent agreement by Kasama. It first appeared on BJ's blog Red Ant Liberation Army News.
From China to Libya: A Critique to Kasama’s “Remembering the Rebels of Tiananmen”
by BJ Murphy
“The elimination of counter-revolutionaries is a struggle of opposites as between ourselves and the enemy. Among the people, there are some who see this question in a somewhat different light. Two kinds of people hold views differing from ours. Those with a Right deviation in their thinking make no distinction between ourselves and the enemy and take the enemy for our own people. They regard as friends the very persons whom the masses regard as enemies. Those with a “Left” deviation in their thinking magnify contradictions between ourselves and the enemy to such an extent that they take certain contradictions among the people for contradictions with the enemy and regard as counter-revolutionary persons who are actually not. Both these views are wrong. Neither makes possible the correct handling of the problem of eliminating counter-revolutionaries or a correct assessment of this work.
“To form a correct evaluation of our work in eliminating counter-revolutionaries, let us see what repercussions the Hungarian incident has had in China. After its occurrence there was some unrest among a section of our intellectuals, but there were no squalls. Why? One reason, it must be said, was our success in eliminating counter-revolutionaries fairly thoroughly.”
-Mao Zedong (On the Correct Handling of Contradictions Among the People)
Here on June 4th, around the world, people will be celebrating honor to the “pro-democracy” students of the so-called Tiananmen Square “massacre”. Just as the media did so 22 years ago, the media will again paint the very elaborate portrait of Communist “suppression” against what were labeled as Chinese students seeking “democracy” and “freedom”.
Though, this very mindset over the 1989 event isn’t just attained by that of various bourgeois media, but is also shared by a wide selection of revolutionary leftists, particularly that of ultra-leftist western Maoists, like that of who run the news blog Kasama Project.
In fact, this very article is a response to another, written by the blog’s founder Mike Ely.
According to Ely,
“the regime in China suppressed a powerful movement of rebellion, using the Peoples Liberation Army against the students and workers gathered in the heart of Beijing.” (Ely, Kasama) In other words, as the media paints this portrait as well, the PLA were the bad guys – the capitalist oppressors – and the students were of course the good guys – the socialist “vanguard of liberation” (Ely, Kasama).
The only problem with this very nice painting is that it’s a complete sham!
This is, of course, not being said as a means of “opportunism”, nor to be controversial. The point of this article is to defend the truth of that very event: a counter-revolution led by that of pro-western “democracy” students in the objective goal of the Communist Party’s destabilization.
A revolution out of the sky?
As member of the Freedom Road Socialist Organization – Fight Back! (FRSO) Mick Kelly once said of the event, “the so-called “democracy” movement did not fall from the sky one day,” (Kelly, FRSO) as is the very picture Ely seems to be painting throughout his short article. In Ely’s mindset, the 1989 set of protests was an event that erupted out of thin air; a response to Deng Xiaoping and Li Peng’s economic reforms.
This is an absolute lie! A misleading one at that, as Ely seems to conveniently leave out certain important historical events leading up to the Tiananmen protests. One of which starts with what was known as “Democracy Wall”.
As Mick Kelly points out,
“it was probably the only place in China where a person could hear Mao denounced as a ‘fascist.’” (Kelly, FRSO)
Though, “Democracy Wall” acted out as a gathering spot by several ideologically differing citizens. Some of which who were suffering through the Cultural Revolution. Though, to others, it was the breading ground for counter-revolutionary activities. And because of such growing activities, what was known as “Democracy Wall” was eventually shut down.
From then on, a split between the CPC – and amongst the people as well as to who they aligned themselves with – began to increase.
An ongoing counter-revolutionary tendency
To now introduce the other topic at-hand, Ely had also held a recent position, similar to that of what we see here on the Tiananmen Square event, towards Libya. Although I cannot link you to this conversation between myself and Ely, it was a debate held between us on the internal conflict (now NATO-led imperialism) in Libya, where rebels presided in Benghazi are waging a (counter)revolution against forces loyal to Col. Gaddafi.
Despite my attempts of trying to show that the rebels were clearly reactionary and deserved no support by that of the revolutionary left, Ely inclined that the rebels were “a democratic force for the good.”
But what does this have to do with the Tiananmen Square protests? Well despite the fact that, in both events, Ely has a clear tendency of throwing his support towards counter-revolutionary rebels, it was the fact he conveniently decided to leave out any mention of the Libyan rebels’ anti-African migrant stance throughout all his articles written on the Libyan event.
That’s right, a stance not just in words, but in action as well. Horrific actions at that, ranging from imprisonment, execution, and even resorting to lynching them.
The correlation here is the fact that, like on the Libyan subject, in 1988, just a year before the “pro-democracy” protesters make their final move on Tiananmen Square, there was an anti-African student demonstration held in China. Led by right-wing students, it became an organized event with objections to what they deemed as “African privileges” amongst China’s universities. Although this was not as large of an event as Tiananmen Square’s, and came nowhere near the violent repression against Africans like that in Libya, it was still an event which characterized the right-wing’s growing strength amongst Chinese university students.
In remembrance of Hu Yaobang, Tiananmen emerges
Another interesting point to be made, one that Ely seems to have conveniently left out as well, was the fact that the Tiananmen Square protests erupted in honor to that of CPC General Secretary Hu Yaobang’s death. And I’m sure there’s a reason for Ely’s silence of Hu Yaobang’s role in the protests.
As pointed out in China: Revolution and Counterrevolution by the Party for Socialism and Liberation (PSL),
“China’s version of Boris Yeltsin was Secretary General Hu Yaobang, who was widely seen as a proponent of pushing the reforms ahead at a faster pace until his resignation in 1987.” (PSL, China p.73)
Boris Yeltsin was the spokesperson of Soviet leader Gorbachev’s perestroika economic reforms. Unlike Gorbachev’s failed wish of sustaining socialism, all while allowing market privatization under the command of the Soviet state, Yeltsin instead wished to see socialism ended altogether.
The storyline is the same during China’s “perestroika” period, when Deng Xiaoping laid forth economic reforms, used as a means of modernizing China from it’s unfortunate massive underdeveloped economic state left after Mao’s death. Though, the outcome of the storyline is very much different. Unlike Yeltsin’s success in hijacking Russia’s period of reforms, thus putting an end to Soviet socialism, Hu Yaobang was left with no victory in destroying China’s socialist struggle.
To make a long story short, it was Hu Yaobang’s death that transitioned the right-wing’s ideals to practice:
“The period of mourning which followed his death provided the opening that the “pro-democracy” movement was waiting for. Huge funeral wreaths began to appear on the martyrs’ monument in Tiananmen Square. On many of these wreaths inscriptions were written, attacking the Party leadership and demanding that the criticisms of Hu’s rightist errors be dropped from the historical record....
“On April 18, 4000 students from Beijing University and People’s University held campus rallies. Later that day about 2000 students marched to Tiananmen Square, carrying a banner with the slogan “Forever cherish the memory of Yaobang, the soul of China.” That night about 200 students stayed in the square. The Washington Post reported the six demands that were put forward. The demands were: public disclosure of the income of national leaders; repudiation of the struggles against bourgeois liberalization and spiritual pollution along with rehabilitation for those who were criticized; increased funding for education; no restrictions on street demonstrations; freedom of speech and the press; and a reassessment of Hu Yaobang.” (Kelly, FRSO)
Soon after, throughout the entire month of April, thousands gathered in Tiananmen Square, continuing their demands, which also led to some protesters attempt to storm Zhongnanhai, the CPC’s headquarters. Although unsuccessful, it marked the beginning of an ever-increasing violent presence amongst the “pro-democracy” protesters.
This isn’t to say that every protester in Tiananmen Square were right-wing counter-revolutionaries. A good portion of them in the beginning were legitimate protesters seeking both answers and action to that of the reforms, which allowed privatization over a third of the economy, including health care.
“On April 26, the line of the politburo was run out in a People’s Daily editorial. The editorial made note of the good intentions of many of the demonstration’s participants and pointed out several areas where the desires of the student movement overlapped with those of the Party. However, what really grabbed people’s attention was the charge that the protests were being manipulated by forces that wanted to do away with socialism and negate the leading role of the Party.” (Kelly, FRSO)
This was further clarified by that of the Yenica Cortes, member of the PSL, stating:
“There were a large number of students involved in the demonstrations [...] And while there were many political trends within the student movement, there was a dominant leadership group. The goals of this group had nothing to do with democracy for China’s vast majority of poor and working people.” (PSL, China p.76)
Fact of the matter is that, from April to May, a large section of the student protesters left the Square and returned to school. Despite what the media may try and paint, before the June 3-4 riots by that of “pro-democracy” students, the CPC had continuously laid out peaceful negotiations with thousands of the protesters. Some of which became successful almost immediately.
In a speech by that of Chen Xitong, then-mayor of Beijing, to the National People’s Congress Standing Committee, he stated:
“Compared with the demonstration of April 27, the number of students taking part on May 4 dropped from over 30,000 to less than 20,000, and the on-lookers decreased by a big margin. After the May 4 demonstration, 80% of the students returned to class as a result of the work of the Party and administrative leaders of the various universities and colleges. After the publication of the People’s Daily April 26 editorial, the situation in other parts of the country became stabilized quickly. It was evident, with some more work, the turmoil instigated by a small handful of people making use of the student unrest, was likely to calm down…” (Kelly, FRSO)
Although the mayor’s analysis was overall correct, his conclusions to that of the analysis was not.
The symbol of their “democracy”
To symbolize their demands for “democracy” and “freedom”, unlike the original protesters who waved portraits of Mao, carried the Little Red Book, and called for the end of reforms, the right-wing students, who’s goal was to hijack the reforms and overthrow the CPC, carried something else: a large statue of the Goddess of Liberty. The Goddess of Liberty stood as their symbol for “democracy” and “freedom”, eerily depicting that of the U.S.’s Statue of Liberty.
The statue was constructed by Federation of College Students as a stunt to help push the protests forward. This was then deemed as the “Statue of Liberty in Tiananmen Square”, although not officially on paper, due to the sculpture’s objections:
“The federation suggested that the sculpture be a replica of the Statue of Liberty, like the smaller one that had been carried in a procession by demonstrations in Shanghai two days earlier. But the sculpture students rejected that idea: It might be seen as too openly pro-American and copying an existing work was contrary to their principles as creative artists....
“The place on the Square had been chosen carefully. It was on the great axis heavy with symbolism, that extended from the main entrance of the Forbidden City, with the huge portrait of Mao Zedong, through the monument of People’s Heroes, which had become the students’ headquarters. The statue was to be set up just across the broad avenue from Mao so that it would confront him.” [emphasis added](Kelly, FRSO)
Further clarification of the students’ true intentions were subsequently made after the construction of the statue:
“Their signs were in English. Their symbol, the so-called “Goddess of Democracy,” bore a striking resemblance to the Statue of Liberty. Many expressed their hope of founding a new student organization on July 4 – Independence Day in the United States.” (PSL, China p.76)
Though, despite both their support in Hu Yaobang and their symbol of “democracy”, another high-rank figure was recognized by the “pro-democracy” students: Zhao Ziyang, right-wing Premier of the PRC and was an open advocate to free-enterprise expansion.
Among those of the hunger strike waged in Tiananmen Square, one of them was a Liu Xiaobo. In which Liu had stated that,
“We must organize an armed force among the people to materialize Zhao Ziyang’s comeback.” (Kelly, FRSO)
Today, Liu Xiaobo is currently imprisoned for his various calls of overthrowing the CPC and to expand privatization over China’s majority State-run economy.
Another well known leader of the student demonstrations was Liu Gang. Through Liu, alone, one was able to understand the class character of that of the “pro-democracy” students: an anti-Communist class character, as stated by Liu himself:
“There was a disproportionate number of physicists among the dissidents. As I mentioned earlier, almost all the student movements in Beijing were started by physics students. Six of the 21 most-wanted student leaders are physicists. This phenomenon can be explained. Under Communist rule, education has been controlled by Marxist, Leninist and Maoist doctrines, especially in the social sciences. Even mathematics had to be learned according to Marx’s notes.
“Among all the disciplines, physics is least controllable by Communist ideology. People with an inquiring mind naturally take up physics as their major in the universities. Human creativity in the search for truth requires freedom.”
The Tiananmen Square massacre: myth or reality?
Before we’re to go into the “massacre” itself, it’s best to first find out what really took place weeks before. Understanding the following events is crucial in the overall understanding over the PLA’s position as victims, rather than executioners, contrary to what was claimed by that of the international bourgeois press.
Despite the CPC’s long weeks of pressing forward negotiations with that of the protesters, on May 20, they then decided to declare martial law. This was, of course, not an act of violence by that of the PLA who were dispatched to Tiananmen Square long before martial law was ever declared. Instead, violence was waged against the unarmed PLA, with the open goal of provoking violence by that of the PLA themselves, as was admitted on May 28 by one the student leaders Chai Ling:
“I feel so sad. [...] How can I tell [the students in the Square] that what we are actually hoping for is bloodshed, the moment when the government is ready to butcher the people brazenly? Only when the Square is awash in blood will the people of China open their eyes. Only then will they be really united.” (PSL, China p.74)
Despite early warnings to the protesters encamped in Tiananmen Square to leave peacefully before violence was to ensue, many remained unresponsive and held their ground (thankfully, some of those protesting actually listened to the warnings and eventually left before violence broke out). In response, an unarmed group of PLA were dispatched to Tiananmen Square, though were then subsequently blocked by the protesters, left only to feel their wrath as the students set “army trucks and armoured personnel carriers ablaze, their crews incinerated.” Many of which were taken hostage:
“On June 2, unarmed People’s Liberation Army troops were called in to regain control of the square. Students left the square to confront the troops in the streets leading to the square. Some of the unarmed troops were taken hostage.
“On June 3, the soldiers were issued arms – “though under orders to avoid violence” as reported in a June 5 article in the Wall Street Journal. On June 4, however, demonstrators resorted to violent attacks on soldiers as protesters grabbed hold of army equipment and seized weapons.” (PSL, China p.75)
Jay Matthews, who was a reporter for The Washington Post, was sent to Beijing to cover the Tiananmen Square demonstrations. What he discovered wasn’t a “massacre” of any sort, rather a violent rebellion against the CPC and PLA, leading to a reported death count of around 300 outside of Tiananmen Square, despite the media misleadingly reporting of deaths amongst the Tiananmen Square protesters:
“A few people may have been killed by random shooting on streets near the square, but all verified eyewitness accounts say that the students who remained in the square when troops arrived were allowed to leave peacefully. Hundreds of people, most of them workers and passersby, did die that night, but in a different place and under different circumstances.
“The Chinese government estimates more than 300 fatalities. Western estimates are somewhat higher. Many victims were shot by soldiers on stretches of Changan Jie, the Avenue of Eternal Peace, about a mile west of the square, and in scattered confrontations in other parts of the city, where, it should be added, a few soldiers were beaten or burned to death by angry workers.”
June 3: Unarmed PLA soldiers, outside of the Great Hall of People, showing maximum restraint as they try to blockade the protesters from advancing forward.
As soon as the student demonstrators made it very clear of their violent counter-revolutionary objectives, the CPC knew then what they had to do:
“There was no massacre in Beijing, at least in any normal sense of the word’s usage. There was in fact a rebellion, which was counter-revolutionary in nature, that was eventually put down by military force. The myth that tanks rolled into Tiananmen Square one evening and proceeded to shoot down peaceful students would be laughable, if people, including some who profess to be revolutionaries, did not happen to believe it.
“The actual situation was very different. Between June 1st and June 4th there was a rising tide of violence in Beijing. Although the “democracy movement” had lost some of its steam, there was still a situation of dual power within the city. While the Party did everything possible to resolve the conflict peacefully, they had no intention of handing over the city to the forces of liberalization or Zhao. Nor did the Party intend to allow the crisis to drag on until the scheduled opening of the National People’s Congress on June 20, which the students had voted to continue their occupation of the square until.” (Kelly, FRSO)
It was because of both the CPC and PLA’s actions that Chinese socialism was protected and a bourgeois counter-revolution averted. Despite both the western media and various groups of ultra-leftists’ wishes of painting a beautiful story of “David versus Goliath”, like that of Ely’s account of the events, the truth of what really happened on that heroic, yet tragic day remains unhindered.
Notes:
- “China & Market Socialism: A Question of State & Revolution”, Return to the Source, May 20, 2011.
- “Chinese Counter-Revolution Crushed”, Lalkar, August 1989.
- Ely, M., “June 4: Remembering the Rebels of Tiananmen”, Kasama Project, June 3, 20011.
- Gowans, S., “Liu’s Nobel Prize for Capitalism”, what’s left, October 12, 2010.
- “In His Own Words: Liu Gang: A Story of Physics and Freedom in China”, APS Physics, October 1996.
- Kelly, M., “Continuing the Revolution is Not a Dinner Party”, Freedom Road Socialist Organization, 1989.
- Matthews, J., “The Myth of Tiananmen: And the price of a passive press”, Columbia Journalism Review, June 4, 2010.
- Mclnerney, Andy, ed. China: Revolution and Counterrevolution. San Francisco, CA: PSL Publications, 2008. Print.
- Murphy, B., “From socialist Afghanistan to socialist Libya: al-CIAda are back in business!”, Red Ant Liberation Army News, March 31, 2011.
- Professor Toad, “The Chinese Economy in 1978″, The Marxist-Leninist, June 14, 2010.
Comments (49)
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Guest (Mike Haywood)
PermalinkSomewhere in my unorganized files I have a long, detailed account of the repression of the protests that struck me as compelling on many levels, including the fact that it did not seem to support anyone's party line. I think it was from the Atlantic -- something like that.
Anyway, here are the key points from that article.
1) The reason the protest was finally cracked down on was that the workers were beginning to join the privileged students.
2) Those killed by the Army were not students in the square, most of them sons and daughters of the party elite, but workers on the routes leading into the square, killed by machine guns on tanks.
No doubt the student movement was ideologically diverse, which was well documented in many accounts at the time. But this BJ Murphy version is completely one-sided.0 Like -
Guest (BJ Murphy)
Permalink^No, not at all. I, in fact, make sure to mention that not every protester was pro-capitalist. I make sure to point out that many have legitimate grievances and were among the protests. Some of which who actually either went back home or back to school after some of the negotiations succeeded weeks before the violent rebellion took place.
The point of the matter is that a lot of the protesters were pro-capitalist, especially amongst those who were <i>leading</i> the student demonstrations.0 Like -
Guest (La Sultana)
PermalinkThe entire movement should not be labeled with the ideology of only some of its leaders.
This conversation would benefit from listening to some of the voices of participants in the 1989 movement. A series of documents from the movement, which have been translated into English, are collected on pp. 264-298 of Wild Lily, Prairie Fire (edited by Gregor Benton and Alan Hunter). Artful use of Google Books will allow you to read many of those documents in 'preview' mode.
Another good place to hear voices from the movement is Carma Hinton's documentary, The Gate of Heavenly Peace, which has been put on YouTube in 22 parts, beginning here: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=vVvwA_34WB8&feature=related.
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One thing that is striking about these documents and testimonies is that they show that participants came to the movement with a variety of objectives. A large number of participants within the 1989 movement saw their actions as a continuation of earlier efforts to renovate socialism in China and hoped to put China back on the communist road. Some of these people consciously linked the 1989 movement to earlier mass upsurges, including especially the Cultural Revolution. These sections of the movement were too large, too significant, and too representative of the aims and sentiments of substantial sections of Chinese society for the labeling of the 1989 movement as 'pro-capitalist' to be accurate or helpful in understanding and summing up the 1989 events.0 Like -
Guest (Eli M-H)
PermalinkAs always, I appreciate Kasama's willingness to "let 100 flowers bloom", and I think this article serves as an excellent demonstrative tool - of how a totally fucked up methodology can lead a so-called "communist" to defend the brutal suppression of a broad spectrum of dissent by an authoritarian capitalist regime.
BJ Murphy's article displays the usual "tankie" tendency to bulldoze the truth to fit his own narrow ideological framework, cherry-picking quotes from individual protestors to paint the entire multi-faceted (dare I say, dialectical) protest movement as "pro-capitalist", thereby justifying wholesale murder.
Of course, anyone who has researched the objective facts in this case knows it was not nearly as simple as Murphy portrays it.
There were both strong reactionary and progressive currents within the movement, but most importantly the disparate class/profession make-up of the movement showed that it spoke to a broad societal discontent with the leadership of the post-Mao CCP. But of course, this matters little to revisionists like BJ Murphy, who would rather see "communist" tanks roll in to crush any and all dissent than the oppressed and exploited take even furtive steps toward agency.0 Like -
Guest (tifo1)
Permalinkinteresting that Mike Ely posted two pieces on Libya in February. Several posts on Libya from various sources followed on into March -- but suddenly silence fell over the Libya question. This just when events on the ground(and in the air) there were heating up.
One can understand that Mike E with all his other responsibilities may not be able to produce an updated analysis he's satisfied with in the time available, but there is a lot of other good stuff being published. For instance, Black Agenda Report has published several items approaching the issue from an African American perspective. Whether you approve of Cynthia McKinney or not, her letters from Tripoli/Tarabulus need to be noted, and criticized if found unsatisfactory.0 Like -
Kasama posted 15 essays and videos on Libya (first focusing on the uprising against Gaddafi, then focusing on opposition to Nato intervention). they are available <a href="/http://kasamaproject.org/category/international/libya/" rel="nofollow">here</a>. People can judge for themselves the nature of our coverage and discussion.
And (as always) if you have newer essays to suggest for posting, please do so.0 Like -
Guest (chicanofuturet)
Permalink<blockquote><i>It was because of both the CPC and PLA’s actions that Chinese socialism was protected and a bourgeois counter-revolution averted.</i></blockquote>
Respectfully I say to BJ Murphy..
Oh!For crying out loud BJ Murphy..give us a break already with this BS..
I can clearly understand why the workers and students of China got out en masse to protest in Tienanmen Square.
It doesn't surprise me at all (nor does it bother me)either to see Chinese protestors sick and tired,totally fed up with the current jive "Communism" which in actuality has become nothing more than a huge monstrous fraud,a front for the most despicable,shameless and <i>very Capitalist</i> policies and practices which has transformed China from a workers state into a worker's "prison" state.
The same dynamic which occured in Tienanmen Square we see now occuring in Squares all over Europe,that is,workers and students fed up with government lies and treachery,the rolling back,undermining and sabotage of the hard fought Democratic gains for which the People have sacrificed abd died for through decades of militant struggle.
The People have had it with phony,corrupt,rotten Socialist and Communist Parties which are Socialist and Communist in name only,which objectively aid and abet,support and defend Global Captalist exploitation through various means.Whether that be through directly enslaving the workers in prison factories making cheap products for the Walmarts of the world,or through draconian IMF World Bank loan austerity programs which kill future opportunity,decimate the quality of life for hundreds of millions in Europe.
China or Europe..it boils down to the same thing..
The People are not only sick and tired of Predatory Global Capitalism and Finance,but they are also sick and tired of the phony,lying,treacherous Liberal,Labor,Communist and Socialist parties which do the Globalist Capitalists bidding.They have had enough of it and want "Real Democracy" even if it is iconized symbolized to them in the guise of "The Statue of Liberty".
If you strip away from the Staue of Liberty the layer of Capitalist shit which has been used,hi-jacked-misappropriated by the ruling class for their own lying false propaganda,the image of the "Statute of Liberty" is in my opinion a glorious beautiful symbol.
I personally like it.
It was supposed to stand for freedom,opportunity and hope.
From my viewpoint(and it's not by any means an easy realization to accept).The Communist Project in the world,for the foreseeable future,is moribund.
The people for this time don't want to hear more bullshit about Communism or Socialsm.The people want Real Democracy..not more cynical lies and false promises.
Hell,the Chinese protestors in Tienanmen were very realistic.They say "if were going to live in a Capitalist society,then at least lets have a Capitalist society such as the USA,even if it is a liberal Democratic Capitalist society that offers some tangible transparent honesty,semblance of freedom,justice and Democratic rights and laws which can even in a minimal way protect workers and students rights..Democracy.
The way I see it,the revolutions we are witnessing now (and shall be seeing for the immediate future) will be "Democratic Revolutions"..not Socialist or Communist Revolutions.
For this historical cycle the Communist Project is moribund.
This is not to say that the Communist Project has "flat-lined".Rather,what I am suggesting here is that Communism will by necessity to be put in the "cold storage" for the time being,hibernating,waiting for the Next Spring Time to arrive when conditions will allow it to emerge once again New,Fresh and full of life and promise.
That time will come,but not soon.
IMHO,the role of Communists for this period is to continue patiently educating the People in Communist ideology,and at the same time fusing and tying those ideas of the Communist Project through relentless struggle and push for objectively concrete Workers Democracy,Democratic rights,Justice and Freedom.
Given the current bankrupt corrupt condition of the Communist and Socialist "brand" in the world,I believe this is the best we can hope for at this current stage of history.
At the same time,along with constant struggle,we we should attempt to "pick- up the pieces" of the terrible mess revistionist Captialist Roaders have created,as well as the mess of class deceit and treachery European style "Socialist Parties" have exhibited in practice.
We have two options open to us..either continue living the lie under an illusion that the people at this stage of history will rally to the Communist Project,or retreat into the defensive position,regroup,reconceive the Communist Project as a force for real objective future Revolutionary change.0 Like -
Guest (hastenawait)
PermalinkEli M-H: "this matters little to revisionists like BJ Murphy, who would rather see “communist” tanks roll in to crush any and all dissent than the oppressed and exploited take even furtive steps toward agency."
The fall of the socialist regimes around the year 1991 was hailed by many as the death of communism. I think that the success of the Maoists in Nepal and India - and little flowerings of communist movement in other places - contradicts this assessment.
However, I DO think that 1991 signaled the end of the hegemonic version of socialism associated with the USSR. The workers of those countries did NOT risk their lives to keep those systems in place. As communists, if we care about real people and their lives, we can't ignore masses of East German citizens rejoicing in the streets with the fall of the Berlin Wall. To ignore that is to effectively disregard these people and their lives.
That kind of bankrupt, bureaucratic, authoritarian socialism IS dead as far as most people on the planet are concerned. People don't want that. And how will we win significant numbers of people to the side of revolutionary communism if that is what we defend?0 Like -
Guest (hastenawait)
PermalinkI would also like to echo part of what Chicanofuturet said.
How can we blame those sections of the Chinese people whose political ideology was taking a liberal bourgeoie, pro-capitalist form, when there experience of socialism was "with phony,corrupt,rotten Socialist and Communist Parties which are Socialist and Communist in name only,which objectively aid and abet,support and defend Global Captalist exploitation through various means"? Is it all that strange to think that their TOTALLY LEGITIMATE hopes for democracy and freedom took that form at that time?
Who wouldn't prefer the kind of limited kind of democratic rights that one finds in the U.S. to the even more limited kinds of rights that one would encounter in Deng's China? If we are honest with ourselves, can any of us really say that we would rather be a worker or peastant in Deng's China than a worker in France, Great Britain or the U.S.?
If the communist movement doesn't look at it's INTERNAL contradictions - rather than blaming all failures on imperialist interference - we, and humanity, by extension, are fucked. Because right now we can barely connect with most people who are already on the radical Left, much less with masses of people.0 Like -
Guest (tifo1)
Permalinkearlier, in response to my comment, which seems to have disappeared now, Mike E said on
June 5, 2011 at 1:02 pm:
<blockquote>
>Kasama posted 15 essays and videos on Libya (first focusing on the uprising against Gaddafi, then focusing on opposition to Nato intervention). they are available here. People can judge for themselves the nature of our coverage and discussion. And (as always) if you have newer essays to suggest for posting, please do so.<</blockquote>
I did hit the link "here", read the material it brought up, and noted that Kasama's coverage ended on March 2nd, just when Nato's sponsorship of the monarchist "rebels" was being admitted by even the MSM. Which fact I noted in an earlier post to this thread, which likewise has vanished.
Whatever: if you are truly serious and want to post some more recent material about Libia, do let me know. I think you have my email address from the login? Or just scroll back up a ways, I posted it above.
Thank you
0 Like -
Guest (BJ Murphy)
PermalinkChicanofuturet here clearly just pointed out his support in a "real" capitalist society, rather than a socialist one with <i>some</i> capitalist markets, as seen here:
<blockquote>
"the Chinese protestors in Tienanmen were very realistic.They say “if were going to live in a Capitalist society,then at least lets have a Capitalist society such as the USA,even if it is a liberal Democratic Capitalist society that offers some tangible transparent honesty"</blockquote>
He also seems to be agreeing with the notion that, overall, the point of the protests were to <i>expand</i> privatization, rather than hinder it. Hence his claim of them being "very realistic."
Lenin of course saw the necessity of allowing some private markets emerge, all while the Bolshevik party remained in power. Thus allowing proletarian state-rule keep a firm grasp over the markets, whether they be private or public.
Fact of the matter is that the bourgeoisie then, as they do now, are still trying to expand privatization and dismantle the CPC.
Another fact which I see no one addressing is the one where the Tiananmen protests erupted in the honor of pro-capitalist Hu Yaobang. Not to mention the various calls of support in the purged right-wing Zhao Ziyang.
Chicano then makes another mistake in dulling down the direct message being given through their symbolized statue, the Goddess of Liberty, then disregards the context of which it is used. Let me re-quote from my article:
****
"The statue was to be set up just across the broad avenue from Mao so that it would confront him."
****
So as you can see here quite clearly, despite Chicano's wishes of stripping away every aspect of which makes the Statue of Liberty for what it is, thus trying to redefine the context within the Goddess of Liberty, the statue constructed and used by the protesters was placed under the context of challenging Mao. Thus challenging the socialist dynamics within China.
Like what was presented by Chicano, I've seen no evidence presented to prove contrary to what I've presented myself.
Just as Ely stated himself on <i>his</i> article (comments section), "We will learn more of the details as time goes on."
In other words, he cannot substantiate the position he holds at the current moment. Which is fine. If later on there's evidence that proves contrary to what I've presented, then I'll be more than happy to retract my position on the Tiananmen Square event.
Until then, though, it's best to not rely on opportunist idealism, and superficial "david vs. goliath" politics. And instead, rely on the facts at hand. And the facts at hand show that, if the protesters had succeeded in China 1989 - despite whether or not you consider China today capitalist - China's economy would be another free-market hell hole, led by a U.S.-backed bourgeois puppet regime.
And because of these facts, I am grateful that both the CPC and PLA stopped the counter-revolution, despite whether or not any of you consider this a "tankie" position.0 Like -
Guest (tifo1)
PermalinkHere are links to some wikileaks cables to do with this discussion:
>Wikileaks: no bloodshed inside Tiananmen Square, cables claim:
The cables, obtained by WikiLeaks and released exclusively by The Daily Telegraph, partly confirm the Chinese government's account of the early hours of June 4, 1989, which has always insisted that soldiers did not massacre demonstrators inside Tiananmen Square.
http://bit.ly/mxFf3m
===
Wikileaks Tiananmen cables:
A Chilean diplomat provides an eye-witness account of the soldiers entering Tiananmen Square: HE WATCHED THE MILITARY ENTER THE SQUARE AND DID NOT OBSERVE ANY MASS FIRING OF WEAPONS INTO THE CROWDS
http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/wikileaks-files/8555896/Wikileaks-Tiananmen-cables.html
BTW, back in 89 when this happened I took some WWP (now PSL) comrades to task over their support for what seemed to me then totally indefensible. But in the light of how things have gone since, I'm no longer as cocksure.0 Like -
Tifo:
The issue is not <em>where</em> the killing of people took place in China 1989, or even how extensive it was, or the details of it. We all know (including you!) there was a crackdown and major roundups.
The issue being discussed here is whether the Chinese government is reactionary and oppressive, and whether rising up against it is justified.
Some people think that this Chinese government remains socialist (even after the anti-Mao coup of 1976, after the dismantling of the peoples communes, after the opening of the working class to the exploitation of the worlds capitalists, and after the suppression of popular movements). These same people often thought the East German <a href="/http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Stasi" rel="nofollow">Stasi</a>-police state was also quite fine.
And (revealingly) the support by such people for crushing popular movements is not limited to fake "socialist" oppressors. When the bloody Islamic-theocratic government in Iran or the corrupt family-state in Libya attack popular movements, these forces sometimes invent a non-existing and classless category of "anti-imperialist" states (or "objectively anti-imperialist" states) and support <em>those</em> government suppressions of the people.
In fact the world needs revolution. And the hotbeds of conscious revolutionary movements is the often primitive and diverse upsurges of people against reactionary governments.
They point to this diverse character of people breaking into early struggle -- and say "how bourgeois," in a crude and mechanical way.
Just one counterexample: before the radicalization of the late 1960s, the early SDS rallied to "part of the way with LBJ." Were they therefore reactionary? Or was this an example of <em>how</em> people learn?
In the early days of the U.S. upsurge of the 60s there were many illusions (and many of them continued through the upsurge itself). And it would have been very mechanical to judge a movement by the politics of its initial leaders. (<a href="/http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Georgy_Gapon" rel="nofollow">Father Gapon</a> on <a href="/http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Bloody_Sunday_%281905%29" rel="nofollow">Bloody Sunday</a>, did his political nature, and the tsar-loyal petitions he wrote <em>define</em> the movement of the Petersburg workers of 1905 and more did it define the potential of that movement?)
Were there supporters of Hu Yaobang in the Tienanmen crowds? Sure. Were some of them prominent (working as spokes people), sure. Did that define the movement and its potential, no.
And more, who wants to argue that Hu was (somehow) <em>more</em> reactionary than China's top leaders... the hangman Li Peng, or Deng Xiaoping (who is one of the most notorious counterrevolutionaries in human history)?
New mass movements of the people often emerge in the context of splits among ruling elites, and parts of those mass movements often emerge with illusions about supporting "wings" of the ruling class. The Civil Rights movement in the U.S. Deep South was riddled with illusions about liberal Democrats -- and often confined themselves to what was acceptable to the Kennedy administration. Did that make the Civil Rights movement reactionary? Was it just puppets of the ruling class? (Malcolm x <a href="/http://teachingamericanhistory.org/library/index.asp?document=1145" rel="nofollow">pointed out</a>, the "established Negro leaders" <em>were</em> puppets of the ruling class, but this (luckily, at that time) was not what characterized the nature, politics and emerging direction of many "at the grass roots."
With mechanical methods, we could defame and mischaracterize <em>any</em> early and inarticulate movement of resistance -- because when the people first enter into struggle they always do so (as Lenin said) "with all their prejudices." As the Chinese revolutionaries said "You have to raise the bucket from the ground."0 Like -
Guest (tibo1)
PermalinkI didn't intend to get into a debate about whether or not it would be a good idea for Chinese dissidents to "rise up" vs the CCP government. If by "rise up" you mean "engage in armed struggle" I'd advise them against it, given the balance of forces and public opinion in the country right now.
I have a lot of sympathy with the Tibetans and the native population of Eastern Turkestan aka the New Province/Xinjiang, since neither are Han Chinese and thus are impacted by Han chauvinism. But if they are dumb enough to join up with ZioImperialism's plan to balkanize China like they did the USSR, my sympathy will evaporate.
As a general rule, whenever people are tempted or actually do enlist in one of Uncle Sugar's aggressions vs weaker peoples who dare to go off the reservation and assert a degree of independence, such people need to do a really serious in depth investigation of what they're getting into.
From what you say, you sound like a classic Trokstyike Solidarnosher who never saw a Color Revolution he didn't like. I'm by no means an expert on Libyan affairs, but it's easy to see I already know more about the country and its recent history than you do, so far anyway.
As I see it, any white leftist who decides to dismiss Cynthia McKinney and Glen Ford's take on this needs to check himself for residual attitudes.
OH -- is there a window open somewhere?0 Like -
Guest (BJ Murphy)
PermalinkEly seems to be trying to water down the events, not just in China now, but also in such places like Iran and Libya.
What seems interesting is the fact that he still cling's his support towards the reactionary Libyan rebels and then try labeling it as a "popular movement".
This is an absolute lie!
For months now we've clearly been shown that popular support is amongst the pro-Gaddafi crowd. Even in Benghazi, the once thought of "rebel-stronghold", there were mass pro-Gaddafi protests erupting! Ely's support in these pro-imperialist, anti-African rebels isn't surprising to see when you come to understand his politics: that of opportunism.
Ely makes sure that everyone knows his distaste with that of Gaddafi. And in doing so, instead of actually analyzing both internal and external contradictions, he places his bets on those who are an "enemy of his enemy".
I still remember the debate him and me had when he claimed outright that the rebels, no matter what is said, were a "democratic force for the good!"
Just recently, the Libyan rebels announced their recognition with that of Israel! Something Gaddafi's never done, despite his concessions with that of imperialist nations during the first few years of this current century.
As for Iran, it appears that Ely here is also a supporter of the counter-revolutionary "Green Revolution" - a movement led by Mousavi (both in 2009 and in 2011), who was also receiving funds from the pro-imperialist NGO National Endowment for Democracy!
Everyone can read my assessment on both Iran and Libya's internal conflicts this year here:
http://redantliberationarmy.wordpress.com/2011/02/14/protests-in-iran-called-for-a-peoples-revolution-or-color-revolution/
http://redantliberationarmy.wordpress.com/2011/02/19/u-s-media-playing-with-numbers-in-iran/
http://redantliberationarmy.wordpress.com/2011/03/31/from-socialist-afghanistan-to-socialist-libya-al-ciada-are-back-in-business/
Now let's look at what Ely had to say about the Tiananmen protests:
****
"Were there supporters of Hu Yaobang in the Tienanmen crowds? Sure. Were some of them prominent (working as spokes people), sure. Did that define the movement and its potential, no."
****
Despite the fact that Ely doesn't try substantiating this claim of his with any evidence whatsoever, again, we see him watering down the issue by taking it out of its context almost completely: his failure of mentioning the fact that the protests erupted <i>in honor</i> of Hu Yaobang.
This wasn't just some support here and there. If one was to go through archival photographs of the funeral marches that took place in Tiananmen Square in honor and memory of Hu, one would come to understand that there was significant support towards Hu Yaobang.
We then have Ely stating:
****
"And more, who wants to argue that Hu was (somehow) more reactionary than the fascist hangman Li Peng, or than Deng Xiaoping (who is one of the most notorious counterrevolutionaries in history)?"
****
Only in Ely's glorious simplistic mind would one come to the conclusion that Deng Xiaoping was the "most notorious counter-revolutionary in history." I find it also amazing that he asks the question of why one should argue that Hu Yaobang was more reactionary than Li Peng or Deng Xiaoping.
This is an interesting statement made by Ely. Especially when anyone who's in possession of a computer could easily find out that Hu Yaobang wished for <i>more</i> privatization. The same is applied to another well-liked figure amongst the Tiananmen students: Zhao Ziyang, who was another right-wing capitalist was openly for free-enterprise and the expansion of privatization.
Why then were both of these clear reactionaries purged from the party by that of both Li Peng and Deng Xiaoping? Ely doesn't explain this. Instead, he wishes us not to point out a clear distinction between Deng/Peng and Yao/Zhao.
But here's the distinction anyways:
-Deng/Peng = less privatization, majority state-run economy, supported amongst the CPC.
-Yao/Zhao = more privatization, majority free-market economy, supported amongst the Tiananmen students.
Seeing Ely oppose even the notion of there being a distinction between these historical figures, I wouldn't find myself surprised either if Ely refused making a distinction between the CPC and people like Liu Xiaobo!
This "david vs. goliath" political mindset of Ely's is nothing more than pure opportunism!0 Like -
tifo1 writes:
<blockquote>"If by “rise up” you mean “engage in armed struggle” I’d advise them against it, given the balance of forces and public opinion in the country right now."</blockquote>
They didn't ask for your advice. The issue is not whether their tactics were advisable -- but whether their uprising and resistance is justified.
And self-defense (when largely unarmed people are attacked by military) is often not a matter of simple calculation of odds -- but exactly of <em>self-defense</em>.
I think there is value in looking at the content of the following three arguments:
1) "...you sound like a classic Trokstyike Solidarnosher who never saw a Color Revolution he didn’t like."
2) "I’m by no means an expert on Libyan affairs, but it’s easy to see I already know more about the country and its recent history than you do, so far anyway."
3) "As I see it, any white leftist who decides to dismiss Cynthia McKinney and Glen Ford’s take on this needs to check himself for residual attitudes."
Anyone reading this can see these are content-free arguments.
If you truly have interesting information on Libya and its history, then share it. Don't claim knowledge <em>as authority</em>, without actually providing it as evidence. (This argument is quite similar to Grover who claims to have evidence he never can distill,and simply argues over and over that people must know what he knows.)
The final argument is not an engagement over disagreements but an argument that <em>certain kinds of people</em> have no right to an opinion. It is not a materialist method to imply we should find people we respect and then swallow whatever they believe.
Among American politicians Cynthia McKinney has played an unusual and courageous role in opposing the dominant U.S. bourgeois consensus... but why in the world does that mean that "white leftists" are required to adopt the details of her analysis?
The argument "you don't know enough so shut up" is a bourgeois argument used every day against the oppressed. As a method it will have no weight among revolutionary debates -- where people actually have to <em>present arguments</em> with evidence, reasons, logic, and analysis, and then participate in the debate of opposing views.
<strong>In passing:</strong> the example of Poland's Solidarity movement (<a href="/http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Solidarity_%28Polish_trade_union%29" rel="nofollow">Solidarność</a>
is one that is (as Tifo points out) one of the historical examples we have. And it is an example of a spontaneous mass movement of workers (and others) against an oppressive and intolerable status quo -- and an example of what happens to such righteous and justified movements if more radically conscious and creative forces are not able to contend for leadership and line. Solidarity ended up transitioning from a radical anti-government mass movement -- to a quasi-political party controlled by right-wing Catholic forces. But that (a) did not characterize the entire movement in its beginning, (b) did not characterize the objective character of much of the workers' resistance at the grass roots, and (c) was not an inevitable development. This was a diverse movement, with many currents and impulses, which (in the end) was funneled into a new bourgeois order (that replaced the old social-imperialist bourgeois order).
Another way to look at it:
Anyone with a radical bone in their body would have been in the ranks of Solidarity and the workers revolt of Poland (despite the character of many of its leadership), just as any real communist (surviving underground in Deng's china) would have welcomed the revolt of Tiananmen 1989 as a precious first crack in the stranglehold of China's capitalist roaders.
Spontaneous mass rebellions don't <em>automatically</em> go in a revolutionary or communist direction -- the world (and the consciousness of the people at particular conjunctures) are far to complex for that. There is struggle. And communists like us have responsibilities and huge challenges to fight (!) for emancipatory politics and ideas.
But in such complex and difficult moments what could be more confused (and less revolutionary!) than to side with the tanks and soldiers of hangmen like China's Deng Xiaoping or Poland's martinet-General Jaruzelski or the killers of Syria's Assad dictatorship?
<strong>And it needs to be said:</strong> none of this is just about the past or about other places. This struggle over line has everything to do with the future: Whether we (as communists and revolutionaries creating a new movement) will understand how to respond when the people break into struggle (yes, with all their illusions and prejudices).
What will you do? Wait for Cynthia McKinney to tell us what to do and think? Tease out this-or-that backward aspect or this-or-that backward leadership, and (on that basis) condemn the many newly-awakening people who have squeezed through the cracks of current events to speak and struggle?0 Like -
BJ writes:
<blockquote>"What seems interesting is the fact that he still cling’s his support towards the reactionary Libyan rebels and then try labeling it as a “popular movement”."</blockquote>
This is mistaken: I am saying it was right to rebel against the governments of North Africa and the Middle East. This spring saw a great (and interconnected) movement among the region's people.
In Libya, the rebel centers faced military attack from the beseiged government -- and NATO saw an opportunity to intervene.
We don't have any obligation to support the specific leadership now opposing Gaddafi, or the NATO attack, or decisions NATO is wringing from the council that <em>it</em> has chosen (and presumably) shaped.
The intervention of NATO changed many things -- but not, however, the reactionary nature of Libya's government.
And (once again), the issue here is not whether to oppose NATO's intervention -- but whether to denounce people in Libya who dared rise up initially. The direction and political character of the various forces was never predetermined -- but the NATO intervention and desperate need for arms against Libya's government forces obviously has brought certain elements to the fore.
Why in the world is a class analysis of Libya's government a comment of the various forces opposing them? Again, we are quite able to expose Gaddafi as a reactionary comprador capitalist oppressor, and <em>also</em> oppose U.S. intervention.0 Like -
Guest (Harsh Thakor)
PermalinkThe most relevant point is that the Chinese state that existed at the time of the uprising was a bourgeois state and not a Socialist one.The new regime from 1978 under Deng Xiaping dismantled all features of the earlier Socialist structure under Mao be it agriculture industry,education or the army.
B.J.Murphy is correct that the 1989 uprising was a counter -revolutionary movement that supported demands of Western style democracy of the rightist leader Hu Yaobang and did not support the demands of the workers.Significantly sections of the working class voiced Maoist slogans.In the mass movements of the earlier cultural revolution from 1966 to 1976 the youth identified with the proletariat through their slogans.The P.L.A.never came out against the red guards or civilians,in that period.We have to differentiate Maoist China from Dengist China.0 Like -
Guest (Maz)
PermalinkSometimes I think that the only people left in the world who still think China is socialist are those supporters of the handful of "Marxist-Leninist" groups in the West. The Chinese people don't think so; the foreign companies doing business in China don't think so; the people who go to China and take a look around for a day don't think so; publications like Foreign Affairs and The Economist don't think so; not even the leaders of the Communist Party of China think so. When I hear people talking about how sending in the tanks was necessary to prevent capitalist restoration, it makes me wonder where they've been for the past two decades.
0 Like -
Guest (BJ Murphy)
PermalinkMaz says:
<blockquote>
"When I hear people talking about how sending in the tanks was necessary to prevent capitalist restoration, it makes me wonder where they’ve been for the past two decades."</blockquote>
This is a distortion to what is actually being said.
The point of the protests was to expand privatization over the entire Chinese economy, unlike that of Deng's reforms where, even to this day, privatization only covered a third of the economy in China. Hence why figures such as Hu Yaobang and Zhao Ziyang were prominent figures of support amongst the student demonstrations.
It wasn't so much that they were against privatization. It was a matter of <i>how much</i> privatization and who was looking over it. The proletarian state of China was never dismantled when Mao died, nor when Deng came to power. The CPC remained intact and still had prominent control over the economy, even during the era of reforms (and still do as a matter of fact).
To this day, a large chunk (though thankfully not the majority) of China's population are in favor of more privatization and the dismantling of the CPC. One of those oppositional figures is Liu Xiaobo - a former leader of the hunger-strike during the 1989 Tiananmen protests. Right now he's imprisoned for his calls of overthrowing the CPC and expanding privatization over the economy.
So tell me Maz, why then would figures such as Liu Xiaobo, who's garnering significant support amongst the U.S. govt. and media, call for capitalism and the end of the CPC, if in fact the PRC is actually a capitalist country? Same reason as to why the protesters during the 1989 demonstrations in Tiananmen Square called for the same exact demands!0 Like -
Guest (Labader)
PermalinkIn 1936 fascist Italy invaded a backward feudal Ethiopia. Early on segments of the ruling class, followed, of course by a certain segment of the peasantry, welcomed and fought with the Italians, turning the back on the Ethiopian state and the rulers. They certainly had reasons to rebel against this state, and had Ely been around at the time, he would have had no problem in producing arguments in favour of a popular and rebellious character of what, in fact, objectively was nothing but the unashamed, unprincipled and opportunistic support for imperialism (we should not forget the fact that Mussolini justified the invasion with the "cruel" character of the Ethiopian polity, and the continued existence of slavery).
These traitors of a nation subjected to imperialist assault, or bandas as they are know in Ethiopia, were of course all eventually thrown in the dust bin of history, and many of them were hanged by their patriotic country men. Many real progressive Ethiopians in fact fought a five-year guerilla war against the Italians. These real progressives had to swallow their disgust with Haile Selassie for the reminder of the war, and several where later important in the development of a real progressive opposition to the feudal state. Real progressives like them however, understood that the main contradiction at the time was not that between the Ethiopian masses and feudalism, but between the nation and imperialism. Mao came to the same understanding. Haile Selassie, of course, was overthrown when the time was ripe, by a real popular movement that wanted nothing to do with imperialism. Very much unlike the Libyan bandas whose cause this site took as its own.0 Like -
Guest (Mike Haywood)
PermalinkMike said:
The issue is not where the killing of people took place in China 1989, or even how extensive it was, or the details of it. We all know (including you!) there was a crackdown and major roundups.
The issue being discussed here is whether the Chinese government is reactionary and oppressive, and whether rising up against it is justified.
***
I think the evidence that those killed were workers and not students is very significant and says something about the nature of the resistance and the regime. The student protests were tolerated, they did not constitute an "uprising." But when the working class began to join, then it had to be stopped. And what does it say about a supposedly "socialist" regime that the working class would begin a mass protest/uprising against it?
As for characterizing the regime as "reactionary and oppressive" it seems to me that little is learned by a knee-jerk assignment to Heroic Socialist or Reactionary Oppressive Regime, or even Fascist Regime.
People always have the right to protest against governments -- no governments, including the best ones, perfectly represent everyone's interests. Class societies with a complex division of labor are not egalitarian, and their governments are hierarchical.
The more difficult but important analysis is exactly what is the nature of the regime. Giovanni Arrighi put forward some very interesting thinking on China before he died in his book ADAM SMITH IN BEIJING roughly compatible with Samir Amin's analysis that China continues to pursue a path of national development that is not simply "capitalist." I apologize for not being a dedicated list participant, but I can't do justice to Arrighi's argument here, nor do I necessarily agree with it 100%, I just see it as an example of analysis preferable to simplistic slogans.0 Like -
Guest (PatrickSMcNally)
Permalink> I think it was from the Atlantic — something like that.
I'm pretty sure that you mean this article from The Nation:
http://www.thenation.com/article/remembering-tiananmen-square?page=full
/>
> I think the evidence that those killed were workers and not students is very significant and says something about the nature of the resistance and the regime.
I'd have to agree with that. The Deng government was clearly more frightened by workers who were loyal to the revolution than by students who dreamed of making China into the next bourgeois republic.0 Like -
Guest (chicanofuturet)
Permalink<i>"Chicanofuturet here clearly just pointed out his support in a “real” capitalist society,rather than a socialist one with some capitalist markets.."</i>
Damn BJ! if I'm a Capitalist how come I ain't rich?
I believe our "trustful" and "believing" friend BJ Murphys slogan should be.." I never met a tyrannical revisionist third world regime I didn't like."
...and about that Statue of "Goddess of Liberty" being set up to face Mao?-what a ludicrous and infantile example (laughable really) BJ Murphy uses here to stigmatize the protestors as (really) mostly legions of "spoiled,unappreciative" rampaging renegade youth,"raging" "expand privatization" "anti-CPC PLA" reactionaries.
According to BJ Murphys narrative-that young Chinese guy who we seen on CNN standing in front of that big ass PLA tank?
..well,according to BJ Murphy-he couldn't have been anything more than an anti CPC anti-Pla Mao hating reactionary conspirator..
We can just imagine BJ Murphy reporting on the scene ..."That young scumbag renegade anti CPC PLA fellow standing in front of the tank was heard to be hysterically screaming the same slogans over and over again as he faced off with the tank gunner ...."expand privatization" .."down with Communist Corporation Inc.monopoly"..
We can add here..BJ Murphy seems to be quite "traumatized" at the home made paper mache Statue of Liberty facing Mao's image.
I actually think Mao would have been quite pleased to see that nice "Goddess of Liberty" statue.After all Mao loved ancient Chinese folklore,legends and mythology from which he drew upon frequently to make symbolic analogies,lessons,examples to the People.
Mao would surely have looked out upon that throng of protestors,smiled and thought .."The enemies of my enemies are my friends"
In China Mao's statues and Images are all over the place in literally every nook and corner including the hundreds of thousands of slave factories and crooked/manager/state mega-construction sites.
Statues,in much the same way as religious icons can be used to manipulate and control the masses for nefarious and pernicious purposes.Statues by themselves don't mean a damn thing if they are not living true symbols which reflect real objective conditions of freedom,liberty and opportunity...yes,and even Democracy.Otherwise statues and icons become just so many manipulated symbols to be used by tyrants as a front for even more oppression and exploitation of the People.
Little inspiration or consolation would a Mao image provide to a young 14 year old female worker dragooned from her village to work under near slave like conditions,pitiful wages,benefits,sometimes coerced to work 18 -24 hr shifts to make toys,clothes other products for the Walmarts of the world,living in guarded,penitentiary-like crowded unhealthy dormitories,inadequate nutrition and health care...etc ..etc..
Heck,BJ Murphy should go apply for a job in one of those factories and every time he stumbles out after pulling an 18 hr shift he can feel happy and assured every time he sees that Mao poster or statue in or outside the facility where he and 20,000 other slaves work.
I can just imagine BJ Murphy saying.." Gee,even though I'm half dead,made two dollars for 18 hrs work..golly,I am so happy and feel so liberated every time I see Mao's ..."Long live the CPC and the PLA !!" "To be a slave is glorious"
BJ Murphy once more..
.. <i>"overall, the point of the protests were to expand privatization, rather than hinder it..."</i>
Here again our friend BJ Murphy espouses yet another slogan...." I never met a tyrannical Capitalist Monopoly (especially the ones who call themselves Communist or Socialist) I didn't like."
BJ Murphy and Monopoly Capitalism
If BJ Murphy had lived during the age of the Capitalist "Robber Barons' I'm sure he would have landed a good job as a PR representative in the offices of JD Rockefeller or JP Morgan,because he surely has a nifty talent for defending,rationalizing,justifying corrupt Capitalist "Robber Baron" Monopolies.0 Like -
Guest (Eddy1701)
Permalink"To this day, a large chunk (though thankfully not the majority) of China’s population are in favor of more privatization and the dismantling of the CPC."
Incidentally, why would you say that is? What class or demographic would you say is pushing for this and how have they become a large chunk?0 Like -
Guest (tifo1)
PermalinkSo Mike E turns out to be just another unreconstructed Cold Warrior.
The evidence of what's happening in Libya is all over the internet, has been for weeks.
If there were any sincere grassroots elements involved in the initial anti-government actions in Banghazi, they were dupes, dummies who bought the okey-doke.
Of course there probably were some "Marxist" elements whose virtuosity in manipulating cliches convinced some of the dummies they were doing the right thing.
Well, since Mike E was kidding about setting up a thread to discuss Libya, I guess the best I can do at this point is to post some better information than he seems to have access to, and see how long it stays up.
This from A Cockburn at Counterpunch:
>It seems that the rebels might actually be under the overall supervision of the international banking industry, rather than the oil majors. On March 19 they announced the “[d]esignation of the Central Bank of Benghazi as a monetary authority competent in monetary policies in Libya and appointment of a Governor to the Central Bank of Libya, with a temporary headquarters in Benghazi.’”
CNBC senior editor John Carneyasked, “Is this the first time a revolutionary group has created a central bank while it is still in the midst of fighting the entrenched political power? It certainly seems to indicate how extraordinarily powerful central bankers have become in our era.”
Ellen Brown, author of the terrific Web of Debt: the Shocking Truth About Our Money System and How We Can Break Free, wrote recently about the rebels’ sophisticated financial operations in the following terms:
“According to a Russian article titled “Bombing of Lybia – Punishment for Ghaddafi for His Attempt to Refuse US Dollar,” Gadaffi made a similarly bold move: he initiated a movement to refuse the dollar and the euro, and called on Arab and African nations to use a new currency instead, the gold dinar. Gadaffi suggested establishing a united African continent, with its 200 million people using this single currency. During the past year, the idea was approved by many Arab countries and most African countries. The only opponents were the Republic of South Africa and the head of the League of Arab States. The initiative was viewed negatively by the USA and the European Union, with French president Nicolas Sarkozy calling Libya a threat to the financial security of mankind; but Gaddafi was not swayed and continued his push for the creation of a united Africa.
“And that brings us back to the puzzle of the Libyan central bank. In an article posted on the Market Oracle, Eric Encina observed: ‘One seldom mentioned fact by western politicians and media pundits: the Central Bank of Libya is 100% State Owned. . . . Currently, the Libyan government creates its own money, the Libyan Dinar, through the facilities of its own central bank. Few can argue that Libya is a sovereign nation with its own great resources, able to sustain its own economic destiny. One major problem for globalist banking cartels is that in order to do business with Libya, they must go through the Libyan Central Bank and its national currency, a place where they have absolutely zero dominion or power-broking ability. Hence, taking down the Central Bank of Libya (CBL) may not appear in the speeches of Obama, Cameron and Sarkozy but this is certainly at the top of the globalist agenda for absorbing Libya into its hive of compliant nations.’”<
From Antiwar.com, the left-libertarian site I hate to love & verse-vicey but good source of timely news reports:
Those Libyan ‘Freedom Fighters’: The Fix Is On
Posted By Kevin Carson On May 9, 2011 @ 11:00 pm In Uncategorized | 5 Comments
In a column three months ago (“Egypt: Let the Looting Begin”),I suggested that what was really going on in Egypt was somewhat different from the official narrative. In quite a few of the “people power” revolutions in recent years—no matter how sincere the people on the streets—it turned out that there were attempts to orchestrate things by people behind the scenes for whom “people power” was the very last thing on the agenda. In that column I reported that Frank Wisner, a veteran spook described by Vijay Prashad at Counterpunch as a “bagman of empire,” was Obama’s man on the ground.
Wisner, a former director at AIG and Enron with longstanding family ties to the OSS and the CIA, had previously been involved in drafting the Bush administration’s postwar blueprint for Iraq. That agenda involved so-called privatizations of state industry that amounted to insider deals with global corporate interests for pennies on the dollar, “strong intellectual property protections” largely written by Monsanto and the RIAA, and draconian crackdowns on genuine freedom fighters in the labor movement and the Iraqi Freedom Congress. Paul Bremer, with the help of his Heritage Foundation boys in the Green Zone, basically oversaw the looting of everything that wasn’t nailed down.
In that light, some recent news from Libya is especially interesting. First, Alexander Cockburn (“What’s Really Going On in Libya?”Counterpunch, April 15) reports that a high priority for the NATO operation in Libya was to see to the central banking arrangements of the revolutionary government in Benghazi. On March 19, they authorized the Central Bank of Benghazi to handle monetary policy for the country. Gadhafi, it seems, had announced his intention to repudiate the dollar and the euro and encourage the use of the gold dinar as a common currency by all of Africa. He’d gained tentative buy-in, over the previous year, from a number of Arab and African regimes. The government-owned Libyan national bank in Tripoli, which is independent of the global banking industry, has been a thorn in the flesh of global financial elites for some time.
Things that make you go “Hmmmm…”
Meanwhile, Russ Baker at Alternet announces (“The CIA’s Man in Libya?”April 26) that the latest head of rebel forces in Libya, Gen. Khalifa Hifter, is a CIA asset. Hifter has lived in the Greater Washington area of Virginia (cough cough Langley cough) for almost 20 years, enjoying an unusually comfortable lifestyle considerably disproportionate to his visible means of support. Hifter has headed the military wing (Libyan National Army) of an opposition movement in exile (NSFL) for most of that time. The CIA sponsored a training operation for the Libyan National Army at a base in Chad during the reign of Bush I, with a view to a possible future overthrow of Gadhafi. In 1996, Hifter headed a failed overthrow attempt, after which he returned to the United States.
So the head of the opposition movement is on the CIA payroll, and the first order of business of the insurgent regime is to create a central bank that takes orders from international finance capital. Doesn’t look real good for “freedom” in Libya, does it? Looks pretty damn good for the banksters, though.
If the attempt to overthrow of Gadhafi had anything to do with genuine freedom, it’s a safe bet the U.S. government would have had nothing to do with it. Put not your faith in princes.
Reprinted courtesy of the Center for a Stateless Society.
Read more by Kevin Carson
The Defeat of the United States by al-Qaeda – May 6th, 2011
Libya: A Pig in a Poke? – April 14th, 2011
URL to article: http://original.antiwar.com/kevin-carson/2011/05/09/libya-hifter-bankers/
Click here to print.
Okay, more coming.0 Like -
Guest (TransconaSlim)
PermalinkWhen did the idea that "Give me Liberty or Give me death!" is somehow counter-revolutionary? We want liberty, we want workers liberty, emancipation from exploitation and wage slavery.
Chicanofuturet puts it right; The massacre in Tienanmen was the propping up of a regime where workers have to sign contracts promising that they wont commit suicide because the conditions are so horrible. Some "workers state".
I have a question: When it it appropriate to call someone a crazy person on the left? I mean, someone who has put ideology before empiricism or someone who's ideology makes it so blind to reality. I think BJ Murphy is a crazy person.0 Like -
I think its a mistake to call people crazy simply on the basis of the political positions they take. Pathologizing those positions generally serves to avoid answering them substantively:
"What you said is crazy. Therefore you are crazy. Therefore I don't have to answer what you said at the level of evidence and argument. I can just dismiss it."
Now of course there are arguments that are so obviously irrational and where the claimed facts are so clearly at odds with what we know that we decide that its just not worth arguing with someone. I disagree strongly with BJ, but I don't think the argument he makes here has that character. I think rather it reflects the considered position of a whole trend within the communist movement and as such needs to be answered with serious arguments and supporting evidence.
And apropos our other discussions of psychology, just because someone has mental health issues doesn't mean that what they have just said is wrong. And just because somebody is in good mental health doesn't mean they are right. There are people whose participation in discussions is impossible to respond to without addressing questions of personality/mental health. But I do not think that is the case here.0 Like -
Guest (Saoirse)
Permalinkall i know is if I was in a tank. if I was in the people's army. if i were a grunt. if I were a rank and file party member. if i was a member of the secret police. or a member of the politboro. if I supported the state then or now, Tiananmen would still be the worst day of my fucking life. It would be a disaster. A tragedy. It would be with me fucking day of my life. And I'd like to believe I'd be asking how do we avoiding doing that again. What a horror. What a tragedy. The IRA executed Michael Collins and they still mourn him. Call that a contradiction or a wishy washy politics. whatever. But what of a movement that so committed to redeeming a massacre. Even with 20 plus years hind sight.
0 Like -
Guest (another brother)
PermalinkIt would seem that Tifo1 doesn't want people to exchange ideas.
And while Mike lived through the Cold War, and is very much a product of 1968 — like many of that generation he apparently had dreams beyond which master to suck up to.
Tifo1 has been well indulged. The constant personal attacks are tiresome. They are dishonest. And moderators shouldn't be bashful. Is there some way that IP address can be put on watch so comments only clear by persistent trolls when they contain (intentional) lies or distortions distortions (eg Mike is a cold warrior when that's obvious silliness) or generalized shittiness towards other people trying to figure things out. If that guy was at a party, common sense would be to give him the bum's rush.0 Like -
Guest (Fritz)
PermalinkI think most of the defenses of both the CPC in 1989, and Gaddafi's forces today are best summed up with the quote from Labader, who says, "the main contradiction at the time was not that between the Ethiopian masses and feudalism, but between the nation and imperialism. Mao came to the same understanding."
Of course, what follows from this entirely undialectical position is that anybody who hampers an anti-imperial struggle is a counter-revolutionary. The workers should stay in the factory; women should stay in the home; students should stay in the dormitory; anything that hurts the nation-state is evil at best, opportunistic at worst.
In reality, there are many contradictions which are always present in the modern age. The macro: imperialism. The micro: class relations. The personal: gender inequality, racial inequality, etc. At different times, one or another of these struggles will become the dominant one: though this constantly changes. This is clearly evident in Mao's struggles AND alliances throughout his life with the imperialists, the feudalists, and the bourgeoisie.
Each of the aforementioned inter-personal contradictions result in distinct struggles; though these struggles will interact and influence one other until each of these contradictions have been solved. Criticizing students and workers for standing up to an oppressive regime because it might enable a more oppressive foreign regime to come to power is as ridiculous as criticizing a woman for taking the opportunity of her abusive husband's financial ruin at the hands of corporate America to leave him, or encouraging a foreign invasion so that the working class is more free to struggle against the weakened state. There is no magical ever-dominant contradiction, and therefore no formula that can be applied to every situation. The only thing that that must be applied to every situation is critical and creative thought.
Two more points:
1) It is wrong to hold the average Ethiopian to the same standard as the Gaddafi regime. The average person living in the 3rd world is not nearly as aware of the imperialist dialectic as the Gaddafi regime's intellectuals (or the people who comment on this blog and others like it). The average person in the 3rd world is, however, usually quite aware of his or her class oppressors (which take the form of the state), which are right in front of them. The totality of a genuine mass movement will somewhat resemble the oppression experienced by the people in their everyday lives. From that point of view, it is quite obvious that the average Ethiopian---as well as the average Libyan---would use the opportunity of a foreign invasion to struggle against their domestic state, until the point where the foreign invader becomes the most blatant oppressor, at which point they will use their current opportunities to struggle against the foreign imperialists. If it is "opportunism" to use every opportunity to struggle against your oppressor, then call me an "opportunist." "Opportunists" win a lot more battles than dogmatists, whose theories usually don't reflect reality.
2) State-capitalism may not adhere to the basic laws of bourgeois, private ownership; but it does exist, and is, in many ways, more efficient than liberal capitalism, which is dominated by a multi-national, private bourgeoisie, which can abandon a particular nation whenever it starts to ask for a share of the profits. My prediction is that---barring an international communist revolution---the coming century will favor one-party, state-capitalist nations more than it will two-party, international-bourgeois-led liberal nations.0 Like -
Guest (ChasL)
PermalinkBJ, you might want to look into couple things:
- Recent US embassy cables from Wikileaks that shows no one died in Taianmen Square:
http://www.cjr.org/behind_the_news/the_myth_of_tiananmen.php
- Liu Xiaobo's underwriting by the US government. Check NED fundings to Liu's political groups (Chinese Independent PEN Center, Mingzhu Zhonggou) totalling nearly a million dollars, for advocating abolitiong of China's constitution. Such activity (foreign sponsorship of domestic politics) would be rightfully illegal in America.0 Like -
Guest (Avery Ray Colter)
PermalinkAbout Liu Gang and his comment about physics:
<blockquote>
“Among all the disciplines, physics is least controllable by Communist ideology. People with an inquiring mind naturally take up physics as their major in the universities. Human creativity in the search for truth requires freedom.”</blockquote>
I want to ask precisely this. What in terms of dialectical materialism is wrong with this statement? What is anti-communist about it? I thought it was supposed to be a pillar of communist thought that ideology be dictated by what science reveals, that communists are supposed to be the very ones who forge their party line on real material existence and not on some teleological handcuffs on what can be taken to experiment in the sciences!0 Like -
Guest (chicanofuturet)
Permalinkre: Avery Ray Colter's post -Liu Gang's comment about physics
<i> “Among all the disciplines, physics is least controllable by Communist ideology. People with an inquiring mind naturally take up physics as their major in the universities. Human creativity in the search for truth requires freedom.”</i>
I have a suspicion that Liu Gang's comment about physics is a result,one of the "bitter" fruits,of the CPC's wholesale betrayal of Communism,of their revisionism,their mad charge down the Capitalist Road..
Liu's gangs comment has an implied/assumed disbelief,distrust - a tone of antagonism directed towards what he perceives as "Communist control" "Communist Ideology".Whether this is his direct rejection,opposition to Communist Ideology-dialectical and historical materialism,or,and,a righteous opposition to the CPC's objective betrayal,hypocrisy and treachery of the true class interests of China's workers,peasants,students,intellectual, is a subjective judgement.
VI Lenin's "State and Revolution" teaches us how capitalist states in order to protect,maintain and further state power will always resort to threats,actual practice of force and violence through intimidation,coercion,imprisonment,torture,assasination...etc etc..
The same things which Lenin lays out in S&R are and have been occuring in China for decades now..
This Liu Gang thing is a good example of the types of problematic contradictions which result when Communist,Socialist states and governments take the revisionst capitalist road,oppress,exploit and repress their own People..
The People eventually become cynical,distrustful antagonistic,hostile towards Communist and Socialist parties,governments,and by extension,confused and frustrated, identify their oppressors tyranny,corruption,revisionism with "Communist Ideology".
This tragic situation is a huge example of the current general condition of the world Communist Project....moribund..
As to physics,it's relation to dialectical/historical materialism?
Look at it this way..all capitalist states,their bourgeoise,will always manipulate "Science" to further their class interests..
Liu Gang was imprisoned not so much for being a Physicist,but rather because he was"rocking the boat"-going up against the CPC..
Further,I'd be willing to wage,that if Liu Gang had come up with an Innovative new design for nuclear weapons,he would have been declared a "Glorious Hero of the Communist People's Republic of China"..
It wasn't so much of an ideological beef between "physics" and "Communist ideology" which imprisoned Liu Gang,rather it was a political threat of potential influence,of his political oppossition to the CPC's state power which resulted in his imprisonment..0 Like -
Guest (Kim)
PermalinkMike Ely: I have to question how wize it is to publish this particular blogger given his utterly dishonest way of debating. He smakes statements like facts about the protesters which are simply false and also, as others have hinted by taking other examples, betrays a fundementally flawed understanding of mass moements. I am sorry for only intervening with negative criticism here, but I think his positions have already been disproven quite well. Even so, I would also recommend this eye-witness account, which in my honest opinion holds far more validity then an attempt over 20 years later to defend the chinese regime made by someone who evidently has no qualms defending it even today.
http://www.socialistworld.net/doc/35460 Like -
Guest (BJ Murphy)
PermalinkYou Trots have one of the most dishonest accounts on the Tiananmen Square protests than any other I've personally read. The ISO are reactionary opportunists who hold about as much truth as Trotsky did, himself, during his trial at the Dewey Commission. Here's a hell of a lot better analysis on the events than the ISO's take:
http://frso.org/about/statements/2009/looking-back-at-tiananmen-square.htm0 Like -
Guest (Sam)
PermalinkDoesn't every widespread rebellion bring in a variety of political forces with their own motives, grievances and ambitions? This is not really a sophisticated point to make, although it is often cited to speak of a rebellion's "complexity."
Mr. Murphy's style aside, I agree with the emphasis on the movement's leadership. Mike waves this question of as entirely secondary (or tertiary). But how can you have a site dedicated to interrogating line struggles in the United States, but then say they should have no bearing on our approach to international struggles?
This discussion cannot be elevated with all the "tankie" accusations, or the appeals for the author to go get a job in China and see if he likes it. I do think there has to be some reckoning with the fact that without communist leadership, popular uprisings in the "socialist" bloc and bourgeois nationalist governments do turn into reactionary, pro-imperialist movements that have set back the working class.
The Cultural Revolution truly was a revolution within a revolution, a revolution against a socialist government but to deepen socialism. Given the world relationship of forces, a rebellion that does not have such an explicit aim is easily pulled into the direction of imperialism. It is not about "blaming" the people who initially rise up, as Mike states. If I were in one of those countries, I would probably be rising up too. But I believe the lines of demarcation must be sharper in such states -- yes, a higher standard of political clarity. I do not believe the "mass movement" or "mass line" approach is sufficient, which by its very nature accumulates the disparate grievances against the main enemy. Because imperialism is also the main enemy.
The fact that the workers marched behind the student leadership in Tiananmen was a sign of the absence of a communist leadership to make clear to them that they should have been keeping their distance from the students (whose pro-capitalist demands ran 100% counter to the workers' grievances). The slogans of "democracy" and "freedom" as points of unity obscured the fact that these two forces in reality had opposite class programs.
I take no joy in the suppression of the Tiananmen protests. Ultimately the state is responsible for having caused it and many Chinese workers and students entered the streets for all the right reasons. But yes, I believe that the protests' victory would have made things worse in China. For those who look at the decades of capitalist development to say things could not get any worse in China, you are deluding yourselves. Given who would have been power, China would have followed the shock therapy model of the former Soviet bloc.0 Like -
Sam writes:
<blockquote>"Mr. Murphy’s style aside, I agree with the emphasis on the movement’s leadership. Mike waves this question of as entirely secondary (or tertiary). But how can you have a site dedicated to interrogating line struggles in the United States, but then say they should have no bearing on our approach to international struggles?"</blockquote>
I think this is an excellent question -- sharply posed as a contradiction. I will try to return later today and address it. Perhaps others want to speak on this.
In a nutshell, however, there are often movements of the people that are just, that are (in fact) for the moment led by forces that are not revolutionary. That is a contradiction too -- and a very common one. It is the case in almost every strike, or spontaneous rebellion (LA rebellion 1992, the <a href="/http://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/mao/selected-works/volume-1/mswv1_2.htm" rel="nofollow">1927 Hunan peasant rebellion </a>where Mao did such pioneering investigation.) It was true of the U.S. civil rights movement.
In other words, the objective character of a mass movement (its justice, its importance, even its direction) are not fixed by the class nature of its leadership at any point (which are often, in spontaneous movement, fragile, temporary, and themselves in great turmoil).
And this observation does not in any way diminish the importance of developing communist forces, and sharpening understandings of line, and seeking to develop a sophisticated communist influence (and ultimately leadership) among the people -- precisely if we want to help the transition from rebellion to revolution.
To be clear: No one is arguing that the class nature and program of leadership is irrelevant to the evaluation of movements. And clearly, the more coherent the movement, the more articulated its leadership, the more established its goals -- well in those cases, a leadership <em>does</em> represent and concentrate what a movement is about. But precisely in the case of a sprawling and rapidly changing upsurge (like Tiananmen) the initial leadership and the movement as a whole are often in contradiction (and even conflict). This was true in wildcat strikes in the U.S. coalfields, it was true in the civil rights movement (when Rev. King was sometimes run out of town for being too conservative), it was true in the great 1917 revolutionary situation in Russia (where leaderships arose and were discarded in many places in rapid succession), and it is the case in the "Arab spring" where "who is the leader" is something hard to pin down.
It is right to rebel against reactionaries -- but at the same time we also want to help create a leap from rebellion to revolution.0 Like -
Guest (Sam)
Permalink<blockquote>In a nutshell, however, there are often movements of the people that are just, that are (in fact) for the moment led by forces that are not revolutionary. That is a contradiction too — and a very common one. It is the case in almost every strike, or spontaneous rebellion (LA rebellion 1992, the 1927 Hunan peasant rebellion where Mao did such pioneering investigation.) It was true of the U.S. civil rights movement.</blockquote>
The difference is that these movements, even with reformist leadership, could not have transformed the existing economic and political structures *for the worse.* The most damage they could do is dissipate the masses' pent-up energy and frustration, lead the movement into strategic and tactical blind alleys, and keep its horizons confined to reforms of the existing state.
These are major problems, to be sure, but of a different quality from that expressed in Tiananmen. In cases such as Tiananmen, we are dealing with the potential to *overthrow* the existing state and create a new state. Once the question of state power is posed -- and this is clearly what was at stake -- we are dealing with "revolution" or "counter-revolution," not simply mass movements, uprisings, or strikes.
I believe your theoretical equipment liquidates the concept of "counter-revolution," as it suggests that movements led by counter-revolutionaries have simply not become revolutionary "yet." By simply posing the question as "is it right to rebel against reactionaries," you omit the question of whether something more reactionary is likely to result based on the rebellion's *trajectory*, not just its static leadership at a current moment.0 Like -
Guest (reg)
PermalinkBJ, I have already found to make any arguments that run counter to the accepted position that China is an example of capitalism fully restored leads to immediate slanderous attacks on you, your character, your politics, your history, your intelligence and your sanity. I find that interesting in and of itself.
Is China today the China we would like to see? No. It is also not the China that the CPC is trying to build. Anyone who actually tries to study the matter from a dialectical historical and materialist position can see that what is today is not what will be tomorrow. However, far too many so called MLers are incapable it seems of looking beyond the day after tomorrow. History goes on for a long time, my friends. Communism does not arise quickly just because there has been a workers or workers and peasants revolution (especially in a very poor, economically backward, almost feudal country) and the Party takes command on behalf of the working people. Oh, that it were so. Personally, I believe that the CPC is still a Marxist party with a Marxist orientation. Has it made errors? Of course. Even today anyone with even one eye open can see that the CPC is fully cognizant of all the problems that have come with the "reforms." Disparities between regions, between rural and urban, between incomes levels, and,yes, even classes, not to mention environmental degradation. The CPC knew this would happen as efforts to increase the productive forces continues. And anyone with half an eye open can see that the current direction of the Party is to try and correct those disparities while continuing on a relentless and long path from early socialism finally to communism. And in fact, this is happening, but as the CPC itself will tell you the problems remain serious. Anyone with half a brain can also see that foreign companies are today finding the Chinese government becoming less "friendly" and doing more to reign them in. Anyone with half a brain, including the CPC, knows that this is a perilous journey which could end in failure and that these times need a Party that adheres to Marxist principles and strives to put the needs of the people first to prevent capitalism from truly being restored. Go back and read documents from Party conferences for the past forty years and you will see the plan and you will see that is it being fulfilled. It will be a tough struggle, but are those of you out there who really think the way forward is to destroy the CPC. I know there are and actually I believe that despite our grave differences that you are sincere in your beliefs. I just think you are wrong. History and practice will prove in the end who is right and who is wrong. In the meantime, the truth of the matter is that it doesn't make much difference what you or I think. It matters what 1.37 billion Chinese think and despite all your rhetoric to the contrary it is obvious they have not given up on the Party, they have seen their lives improved immensely, the have seen the Party respond to their grievances time and again, and they have hope for a better future. I have faith in them. The people of China will not allow capitalism to be restored.
I know my name will now be mud with most of you, but such is life. I'll survive somehow.0 Like -
Guest (Stiofan)
PermalinkBJ wrote
<blockquote>
'It matters what 1.37 billion Chinese think and despite all your rhetoric to the contrary it is obvious they have not given up on the Party, they have seen their lives improved immensely, the have seen the Party respond to their grievances time and again, and they have hope for a better future. I have faith in them. The people of China will not allow capitalism to be restored.'</blockquote>
Perhaps a better way to put it is that the Chinese people, the vast majority of them, have not given up on the concept of the People's Republic of China, and that includes important segments of the Communist Party and the People's Liberation Army. That concept carries within it a revolutionary vision, a communist vision, of what society is and how it should be organized and there are comrades in China who have not given up on that either.
As a practical matter however capitalism has been restored for 80% of the economy. Although the regime is taking some private sectors back (coal mining), the guiding vision of their current leadership is that 'it is glorious to get rich' and that is exactly what they are doing via graft. corruption and the flagrant abuse of their power.
The Mandarins at the apex of the CPC are primarily afraid of intellectual dissidents but the real challenge will come from migrant workers and peasants who are both seeing their lives get worse, not better. Consider that the current demonstrations/street fighting in Guangdong province was sparked by the police abuse of a street vendor just as in Tunisia. I have faith in the Chinese people too, their glorious revolutionary traditions, and the
possibility of returning to the socialist road to serve the people and solve China's mounting social and ecological crisis.0 Like -
Guest (Eli M-H)
Permalink"Personally, I believe that the CPC is still a Marxist party with a Marxist orientation."
Huh. The fat American coporations dumping billions of dollars into Chinese sweatshops don't believe this. The Chinese workers who are brutally exploited in said sweatshops don't believe this. The CPC itself sure as hell doesn't believe this. Why do you believe this? Is 99% of the world, including just about every single reputable financial expert, being bamboozled? Explain yourself.0 Like -
Guest (Red Fly)
Permalink<blockquote>The People have had it with phony,corrupt,rotten Socialist and Communist Parties which are Socialist and Communist in name only,which objectively aid and abet,support and defend Global Captalist exploitation through various means.Whether that be through directly enslaving the workers in prison factories making cheap products for the Walmarts of the world,or through draconian IMF World Bank loan austerity programs which kill future opportunity,decimate the quality of life for hundreds of millions in Europe.</blockquote>
Hear, hear.
It's disconcerting to see here Dengists trying to defend the brutal crackdown on the workers and students during the Tiananman uprising.
What's the real motivation here? Contemporary China is most definitely not a socialist state, so surely it can't be because they are trying to defend socialism.
What are they defending then?
BJ Murphy writes:
<blockquote>Boris Yeltsin was the spokesperson of Soviet leader Gorbachev’s perestroika economic reforms. Unlike Gorbachev’s failed wish of sustaining socialism, all while allowing market privatization under the command of the Soviet state, Yeltsin instead wished to see socialism ended altogether.
The storyline is the same during China’s “perestroika” period, when Deng Xiaoping laid forth economic reforms, used as a means of modernizing China from it’s unfortunate massive underdeveloped economic state left after Mao’s death. Though, the outcome of the storyline is very much different. Unlike Yeltsin’s success in hijacking Russia’s period of reforms, thus putting an end to Soviet socialism, Hu Yaobang was left with no victory in destroying China’s socialist struggle.</blockquote>
This is an argument that says capitalist restoration was the correct road given China's state of underdevelopment, with the caveat that it should only be a partial restoration. This bourgeois revisionist line is then contrasted with the outright reactionary Hu Yaobang line of full capitalist restoration to lend to former a patina of "socialist" respectability.
BJ wants to make this a binary choice. Either you agree with him and the Dengists that privatizing 1/3 of the economy is a good thing or you agree with the Huists that all of it should be privatized.
We should reject both of these lines. As communists we have a duty to uphold a higher ideological standard than "Part of the way with LBJ."
<blockquote>It was because of both the CPC and PLA’s actions that Chinese socialism was protected and a bourgeois counter-revolution averted. Despite both the western media and various groups of ultra-leftists’ wishes of painting a beautiful story of “David versus Goliath”, like that of Ely’s account of the events, the truth of what really happened on that heroic, yet tragic day remains unhindered.</blockquote>
In the end this is what it all boils down to for the Dengists isn't it? A belief that authoritarian state-levered capitalism is somehow "socialism." That suppressing dissent against an unaccountable clique of phony red bureaucrats is somehow revolutionary. And that demands for accountability, freedom to criticize, and genuine political representation are inherently "bourgeois" demands so long as a party in charge calling itself communist opposes them.
BJ tries to delegitimize righteous rebellion by tying these demands to right-wing students. But of course it wasn't just the right-wing students making these demands. It was also a lot of ordinary workers. Our criteria for deciding to support or oppose such demands should not be based on whether opportunistic rightists mouth them, but on whether they're a genuine expression of the people's desire for liberation and whether these demands carry within them a material potentiality to aid said liberation.
Demanding accountability and the right to criticize, struggling for genuine political representation, fighting against the reactionary notion that the party always knows best and the masses' job is to obey...these are neither ultra-leftist, nor bourgeois positions. They are in fact a prerequisite to the carrying out of a project of human emancipation, which is supposed to be what we’re all about around here.0 Like -
<blockquote>Demanding accountability and the right to criticize, struggling for genuine political representation, fighting against the reactionary notion that the party always knows best and the masses’ job is to obey…these are neither ultra-leftist, nor bourgeois positions. They are in fact a prerequisite to the carrying out of a project of human emancipation, which is supposed to be what we’re all about around here.</blockquote>
I think this an important part of the issue -- because I suspect that some folks don't agree and think your ideas here are just liberalism. There is a vision of socialism that believes that a big, determined, brutal state needs to impose socialism on mere humans -- and that the whining of the people should just be shut up. (That's why they are called "tankies.")
More: There is a particular overlap of the tankie sensibility with a seemingly bizarre assertion from the Progressive Labor Party and Grover Furr -- i.e. that socialism itself is the problem and that society needs to go straight to communism. Now what they mean by communism is itself idiosyncratic -- because they mean a radical and immediate workerist egalitarianism (leveling etc) <em>plus</em> "the dictatorship of the proletariat" (by which they mean, among other things, a state, army, police, prisons, etc.)
So instead of the marxist and communist view of a socialist <em>transition</em> to communism (through waves of change, development of "socialist new things," political struggle and transformation, emergence of planning, results of political education of new generations, training of working class cadre for social leadership etc.) -- they think a radical leveling should happen quickly, and an abolition of commodity forms can happen by fiat. And if it is not a protracted, and subtle, and wavelike political process.... how do such massive changes happen quickly? Well, obviously that new state has to slap everyone in line. They have a view of extremely rapid transformation to leveling (I won't call it communism), and this requires an extremely coersive state.
That is the link between Grover Furr's rejection of socialism (as a concept and a social stage), and his particular (almost obsessive) focus on the late 30s mass coersion. It is similar to the MIM view of East Germany as a model for <em>their</em> vision of transition (i.e. the need for foreign armies to invade and impose change on the people).
Basically a politics that has little confidence in the transformative capability of the people themselves, and zero respect for "the mass line" -- ends up with various coercive fantasies.
And like theories of inherent superiority (male superiority, racial superiority) are almost universally put forward by people who see themselves in the superior group (duh!) -- so theories of extreme state coersion are almost universally put forward by people who believe that in a future situation they (or people like them) will be in the drivers' seat of those tanks or police aparatus that do the roundups.
Without putting <em>too</em> sharp a point on it: I see these "wannabe tyrant" views as not particularly communist, or socialist, or left -- but with powerful strains (emotional, ideological) in common with the right. And in Russia in particular, such views (adoration of the errors of Stalin, desire for a big Daddy state, nostalgia for the global imperialist heyday of Breznev, etc) are tied to political trends often called "red-brown" because of their mix of communist images with fascist-like impulses. Such forces shout at their opponents "To the gulag!" -- which is obviously a problematic program and nostalgia. Obviously future socialist societies will have various forms of coersive institutions (prisons, etc.) like any other modern society, and there will need to be forms of coersion toward die-hard reactionaries (Klan, Nazis, die-hard military types, former police, etc.) -- but making the 1930-40s Soviet prison system a model and a battle cry is problematic for reason that should be obvious (but can be discussed if needed.)
So again: Red Fly's paragraph on popular agency, accountability and dissent seems elementary to our emerging movement. And should be. But it is exactly the opposite of what the "tankies" believe -- and represents the problem with their worldvision, their very hostile view of the people (especially students and middle classes), and their gray enthusiastically-oppressive view of how they want to impose their politics on others.
<blockquote>
BJ tries to delegitimize righteous rebellion by tying these demands to right-wing students. But of course it wasn’t just the right-wing students making these demands. It was also a lot of ordinary workers. Our criteria for deciding to support or oppose such demands should not be based on whether opportunistic rightists mouth them, but on whether they’re a genuine expression of the people’s desire for liberation and whether these demands carry within them a material potentiality to aid said liberation.</blockquote>
Part of the issue is that there was not a single set of demands. And there was not a single "type" of person in the square or in the movement. It is a sign of repressive and intolerable conditions that (suddenly, suddenly) <em>many</em> kinds of people come pouring through a crack -- and a crazy diversity of forces suddenly find themselves co-protesting in the streets. (This was true in Prague 68 too when I was there).
And to distort these events (and support crushing them), the tankies have to define them down to a singularity (they are all "rightwing students" demanding an accelerated move toward openly private capitalism). But the opposite was the case:
It was not all rightwing students. The demand was an end to the high-handed and repressive nature of the Chinese government. And the restoration of capitalism was already in place (after the 1970s), and the debate over an authoritarian state-capitalism or a more decentralized one (i.e. the bourgeois debate) co-mingled with other debates: like those raised by workers upholding the cultural revolution and the fight for socialism and egalitarianism and popular power.0 Like







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