One look at who rules capitalism: Data on networks
- Details
- Category: Political Economy
- Created on Saturday, 22 October 2011 23:28
- Written by Andy Coghlan and Debora MacKenzie
In the wake of Occupy Wall Street, there is a buzz of interest in knowing who is "the 1%." Who dominates our world? Who is the ruling class. A great deal of research and debate is available to start that discussion on a high level -- including the recent explorations on our sister site Khukuri on whether there is emerging a transnational capitalist class (TCC). Khukuri has reproduced and discussed pieces by some of the chief academic exponents and investigators of the TCC thesis, including Leslie Sklair, William K. Carroll, Jerry Harris, and William Robinson.
Meanwhile the following, more empirical exploration comes from an unusual source -- from the New Scientist. It represents an innovative attempt to model and understand the actually existing interconnections that bind capitalist networks. Not only does the piece reveal some interesting (if partial) insights into the structure of capitalist networks -- but it shows how active interest in uncovering "who rules us" is rapidly rippling through many parts of society.
Thanks to Red Fly for suggesting this. Red fly wrote:
"The study confirms what myself and many others have been saying with respect to the banks/finance capital being at the top of the power structure of the neoliberal stage of capitalism. It also puts a a bit of a damper on the rampant speculation that this is the result of some vast conspiracy as it shows that this is more or less the natural and inevitable outcome of capitalist competition, echoing the insights of many Marxist theorists, including Lenin, Hilferding and Sweezy. "
* * * * * * *
Revealed – the capitalist network that runs the world
by Andy Coghlan and Debora MacKenzie
AS PROTESTS against financial power sweep the world this week, science may have confirmed the protesters' worst fears. An analysis of the relationships between 43,000 transnational corporations has identified a relatively small group of companies, mainly banks, with disproportionate power over the global economy.
The study's assumptions have attracted some criticism, but complex systems analysts contacted by New Scientist say it is a unique effort to untangle control in the global economy. Pushing the analysis further, they say, could help to identify ways of making global capitalism more stable.
The idea that a few bankers control a large chunk of the global economy might not seem like news to New York's Occupy Wall Street movement and protesters elsewhere (see photo). But the study, by a trio of complex systems theorists at the Swiss Federal Institute of Technology in Zurich, is the first to go beyond ideology to empirically identify such a network of power. It combines the mathematics long used to model natural systems with comprehensive corporate data to map ownership among the world's transnational corporations (TNCs).
"Reality is so complex, we must move away from dogma, whether it's conspiracy theories or free-market," says James Glattfelder. "Our analysis is reality-based."
Previous studies have found that a few TNCs own large chunks of the world's economy, but they included only a limited number of companies and omitted indirect ownerships, so could not say how this affected the global economy - whether it made it more or less stable, for instance.
The Zurich team can. From Orbis 2007, a database listing 37 million companies and investors worldwide, they pulled out all 43,060 TNCs and the share ownerships linking them. Then they constructed a model of which companies controlled others through shareholding networks, coupled with each company's operating revenues, to map the structure of economic power.
The work, to be published in PloS One, revealed a core of 1318 companies with interlocking ownerships (see image). Each of the 1318 had ties to two or more other companies, and on average they were connected to 20. What's more, although they represented 20 per cent of global operating revenues, the 1318 appeared to collectively own through their shares the majority of the world's large blue chip and manufacturing firms - the "real" economy - representing a further 60 per cent of global revenues.
When the team further untangled the web of ownership, it found much of it tracked back to a "super-entity" of 147 even more tightly knit companies - all of their ownership was held by other members of the super-entity - that controlled 40 per cent of the total wealth in the network. "In effect, less than 1 per cent of the companies were able to control 40 per cent of the entire network," says Glattfelder. Most were financial institutions. The top 20 included Barclays Bank, JPMorgan Chase & Co, and The Goldman Sachs Group.
John Driffill of the University of London, a macroeconomics expert, says the value of the analysis is not just to see if a small number of people controls the global economy, but rather its insights into economic stability.
Concentration of power is not good or bad in itself, says the Zurich team, but the core's tight interconnections could be. As the world learned in 2008, such networks are unstable. "If one [company] suffers distress," says Glattfelder, "this propagates."
"It's disconcerting to see how connected things really are," agrees George Sugihara of the Scripps Institution of Oceanography in La Jolla, California, a complex systems expert who has advised Deutsche Bank.
Yaneer Bar-Yam, head of the New England Complex Systems Institute (NECSI), warns that the analysis assumes ownership equates to control, which is not always true. Most company shares are held by fund managers who may or may not control what the companies they part-own actually do. The impact of this on the system's behaviour, he says, requires more analysis.
Crucially, by identifying the architecture of global economic power, the analysis could help make it more stable. By finding the vulnerable aspects of the system, economists can suggest measures to prevent future collapses spreading through the entire economy. Glattfelder says we may need global anti-trust rules, which now exist only at national level, to limit over-connection among TNCs. Bar-Yam says the analysis suggests one possible solution: firms should be taxed for excess interconnectivity to discourage this risk.
One thing won't chime with some of the protesters' claims: the super-entity is unlikely to be the intentional result of a conspiracy to rule the world. "Such structures are common in nature," says Sugihara.
Newcomers to any network connect preferentially to highly connected members. TNCs buy shares in each other for business reasons, not for world domination. If connectedness clusters, so does wealth, says Dan Braha of NECSI: in similar models, money flows towards the most highly connected members. The Zurich study, says Sugihara, "is strong evidence that simple rules governing TNCs give rise spontaneously to highly connected groups". Or as Braha puts it: "The Occupy Wall Street claim that 1 per cent of people have most of the wealth reflects a logical phase of the self-organising economy."
So, the super-entity may not result from conspiracy. The real question, says the Zurich team, is whether it can exert concerted political power. Driffill feels 147 is too many to sustain collusion. Braha suspects they will compete in the market but act together on common interests. Resisting changes to the network structure may be one such common interest.
The top 50 of the 147 superconnected companies
1. Barclays plc 2. Capital Group Companies Inc 3. FMR Corporation 4. AXA 5. State Street Corporation 6. JP Morgan Chase & Co 7. Legal & General Group plc 8. Vanguard Group Inc 9. UBS AG 10. Merrill Lynch & Co Inc 11. Wellington Management Co LLP 12. Deutsche Bank AG 13. Franklin Resources Inc 14. Credit Suisse Group 15. Walton Enterprises LLC 16. Bank of New York Mellon Corp 17. Natixis 18. Goldman Sachs Group Inc 19. T Rowe Price Group Inc 20. Legg Mason Inc 21. Morgan Stanley 22. Mitsubishi UFJ Financial Group Inc 23. Northern Trust Corporation 24. Société Générale 25. Bank of America Corporation 26. Lloyds TSB Group plc 27. Invesco plc 28. Allianz SE 29. TIAA 30. Old Mutual Public Limited Company 31. Aviva plc 32. Schroders plc 33. Dodge & Cox 34. Lehman Brothers Holdings Inc* 35. Sun Life Financial Inc 36. Standard Life plc 37. CNCE 38. Nomura Holdings Inc 39. The Depository Trust Company 40. Massachusetts Mutual Life Insurance 41. ING Groep NV 42. Brandes Investment Partners LP 43. Unicredito Italiano SPA 44. Deposit Insurance Corporation of Japan 45. Vereniging Aegon 46. BNP Paribas 47. Affiliated Managers Group Inc 48. Resona Holdings Inc 49. Capital Group International Inc 50. China Petrochemical Group Company
* Lehman still existed in the 2007 dataset used
Graphic: The 1318 transnational corporations that form the core of the economy
(Data: PLoS One)
Comments (1)
-
Guest (SKS)
PermalinkThe major problem, from a Marxist perspective, of the "transnational capitalist class" hypotheses is the failure to address the question of the State in a convincing manner. Like the liberal argument of "flattening" it takes the obvious fact of interdependency and globalization and try to explain it as a new thing that needs new insights into it.
But just like small businesses of many types and forms remain the primary form of economic activity, and the Nation-State remains the primary form of political organization, transnational and globalized capital is still primarily linked to national capitalists. Its just that it is no longer only Europeans and North Americans having all the fun.
The transnational capitalist class is ultimately the flip side of economic worker migration - and like economic worker migration it acquires previously unseen interests. Yet these interests are still tied to the Nation-State, and in particular, the threat of armed action that backs international diplomacy, which in turns creates the conditions for transnational capitalism.
In this sense, there is no transnational capitalist class, but a coalition of national capitalists who band together out of necessity and interconnection, and whose range of action is hence no longer that of previous capitalists, but who nevertheless place great import on national interest.
A good example is the ruling class debate on the Eurozone and Greece, and how while there is a general ruling class consensus that only further political integration of the Eurozone is the way to save the Euro, finding ruling class consensus for this integration is proving impossible - not just because of the vagaries of national electorates but because the national capitalist class wishes to remain national - even if their transactional capital is transnational. That huge numbers of members of the ruling class in Europe would rather see the Euro die than save it by bringing down national barriers is much more important to political economy than how interdependent transnationals are. There is precedent for how irrelevant transnational connections are: both GM and IBM were instrumental companies in Nazi Germany's war machine, IBM providing nearly all of the computational machines (including those used to run the KZs) and GM's Opel providing the trucks that moved the Herr and serviced the Luftwaffe. In spite of "formal" break of economic links, these companies continued to operate as if they where part of the whole, including keep the money that would have normally gone back to the center in banks for when the hostilities ended. Not even war destroys interdependency - which means that war is still possible.
Imperialism is the highest form of capitalism - the issue is that we still haven't seen the highest form of imperialism, and as it reveals itself, we come up with these descriptions that sound new, but upon careful examination had already been described at the birth time of imperialism.
For example, the interdependence these graphs show is nothing else than the tendency for monopoly that Marx described, and that Lenin elaborated upon.0 Like



Dig in.