International Call: A Week of Solidarity with People's War in India

The following is from a group calling itself the International Committee to Support the Peoples War in India.



In India the people's war is intensifying day by day. Led by Maoist Communist Party of India it involves and has the support of millions of poor farmers, women, masses of untouchables, and now controls about ten States of the Confederation of India.


That's a people's war against poverty, feudal capitalistic exploitation, in the regions where most acute are the contradictions produced by the turbulent development of plundering resources, caste oppression and exploitation, by the Indian capital linked to imperialism.

With the help and support of the imperialists and especially the American imperialists, the Indian reactionary ruling classes are trying to suffocate the revolutionary movement, carrying out huge atrocities, whose barbarism there is no precedent.

The Indian government on behalf of imperialism describes the People's War as the greatest threat to internal security, and launched against it across the country an unprecedented offensive, under the name of "Operation Green Hunt" with a large deployment of ultra-armed troops, Police and paramilitary forces trying to sow terror and genocide in the peoples of India, through raids, indiscriminate destruction, rapes and mass murders, arrests and disappearances, trying to assassinate the leaders, as occurred with Comrade Azad, a top Maoist leaders of the CPI(M). All this with the illusion of drowning in blood the struggle of a people for liberation.

But the Indian popular masses unite in the People's War, giving rise to large protests and strikes against rising prices, corruption and state terrorism.

The imperialist governments, the United States, Europe, Russia, and their mass media support the criminal action of the Indian government; but in these countries also grows complaint and solidarity.

The Indian masses, led by the Maoist Communist Party of India, are writing an historical page in the class struggle in the current world.

The development of people's war in India confirms that the revolution today is the main trend in the world and that Maoism assumes the role of command and leadership in the new wave of world revolution against the imperialism in crisis.

The proletariat of the whole world realizes that the advancement of people's war in India calls into question not only the balance of power in the south Asian region but also in the disposition of the imperialist world system.

The International Committee in support of the people's war launches a great international campaign, to be conducted in all forms, in most number of countries as possible, through a week of action, from 2nd to 9th April 2011.

This campaign is and must be the expression of proletarian internationalism and advancement of the unity of the international proletariat, of revolutionaries, democratic forces and the oppressed nations and peoples around the world.




People in this conversation

  • Guest - Indian Drama Serials

    We are in solidarity with the Filipino people in their determination to fight for national liberation and democracy against the US-Arroyo regime’s heightened war of terror, fascist terrorism and plunder of the.human and material resources of the Philippines. We support all the efforts of the Filipino people to frustrate the regime in every arena of struggle whether in the legal mass movement, in the factories, in the streets, in schools and universities, in their communities and in the countryside where the Red fighters of the New People's Army are inflicting fatal blows and heavy losses against the reactionary forces.

  • Guest - Green Red

    While there are different levels of solidarity with CPI Maoists and, not every progressive group has not joined INTERNATIONAL COMMITTEE to SUPPORT the PEOPLE’S WAR in INDIA, that as I recall was formed by few parties from Canada, France and other Euro countries, for whatever it might have been, please all progressives put your supports on any level possible for this April week's actions.

    Be it from minimizing work to condemning Green Hunt and, circulate basic petition/letters that people of the world can sign and also copies be sent to Indian regime, exposing the hypocrisy of state that challenges Maoists by calling for negotiation but as soon as party puts their key comrade Azad to have a decent negotiation, immediately the arrest and kill him with the company freelance reporter that was exposed so out of line and reality that India is supposedly having a court to figure out its own hypocrisy. Pursue such condemnations and researches. Even bring the basic facts such as seventy percent are not in the city and related with economic gains to world people's attention.

    Expose with MOUs mean (Memos of Understanding) that are the practical secret dealing representetives of states from West Bengal up to .... make with foreigners for underground resources that happen to be located under tribal people's whereabouts and then attack them under false allegations of their being Maoist or this or that.

    In any format that matches your basic human right stand, participate according to your level and if not direct supporter of the greatest revolution of all times in number of people and their radical stand you became, at least be basic human rights and people's democratic rights defenders.
    Nerver forget the old saying:

    Silence = Death

  • Guest - Otto

    Good idea.

  • Guest - Green Red


    for example Free Binayak Sen Campaign that was posted in South Asian rev site is a great thing to do:


    Doctors, Journalists without Border and human rights people of all sorts need to be connected to work on such initiatives.

    I remember when Lebanon i believe was bombed by imperialists, great actions were taken by some American Doctors to go and heal the wounded and sick people there for free and among them was Heriberto Occasio the great doctor that later acted as Peru support committee's spokesperson.

    Remember that when doctors from Europe or the US step into the peoples' forests in India, the regime will be much more hesitant to harass them. Even for a few months it maybe go to DK forest and, or supply medications to those people through safe routes you can find, including things for stings of forest animals that some are fatal.
    you work with Amnesty International? an international human rights legal body?
    go to Binayak Sen's prison and demand seeing him and see what can be done.

    Whatever you will do great within this week may become a progressive precedent for internationalists of all sorts to contribute forces in solidarity with Indian revolution

  • Guest - Sukhwinder

    We condemn the state repression on Adivasis fighting under the leadership of CPI Maoist against inhuman exploitation and oppression by Indian capitalism. But we also criticise the political line of CPI Maoist.According to this party India is a semi feudal semi colonial country and is in stage of new democratic revolution. path of Indian revolution is protracted peoples war. This political line is totally irrelevent in present Indian conditions.CPI Maoist is trying To copy Chinese NDR.Indian socio political conditions are totally different to that of China in 1949 or 1927.
    During the last six decades after political independence in 1947 India has gone through a process of capitalist development. CPI Maoist do not recognise this change in production relations in India.According to this party India was a semi feudal semi colonial country in 1947 and same is now.It means it became stagnant in 1947. Such a position is a product of a totally unscientific outlook.
    The present movement under the leadership of this party is confined to a few backward pockets of India.It has no support in urban areas and the planes of India.And in the absence of countrywide support the movement under it's leadership has rose to the level of "peoples war".Actually THEW IS NOT PEOPLES WAR BUT A NEW EDITION OR CHARU'S LEFT ADVENTURISM.

  • Guest - trace hunter

    @Sukhwinder: if it is true, as you note, that the Naxals do not have urban strongholds — my question to you is simple: what forces in those urban areas are NOW organizing to hold up their responsibilities?

    India seems a large country. It wouldn't be surprising is multiple projects caught hold in different parts of the subcontinent.

    I may be misunderstanding, but you are raising what seems like three distinct issues:

    1) The line that India is a "semi-feudal/semi-colonial" country. You say the CPI-Maoist holds that there has not been a change in the class nature of the Indian state since independence. You say that this line is "totally irrelevant" in present Indian conditions.

    2) The Maoist position of "New Democratic revolution" through "protracted people's war" is not China 80 years ago, and that the Naxals are trying to "copy" the Chinese revolution.

    3) That, because of this disjunction between the eastern, largely Adavasi (or 'backward') areas and the urban classes — it cannot claim to be a "people's war" since the whole national people do not (currently) support it.

    In conclusion, you write that this is nothing new and only a replay of the earlier Naxalite struggles.

    I am not intimately familiar with the movements in India. Is it possible that the Maoists are onto <i>something</i>, yet in error on other matters? I imagine that is not only possible, but if they are like communist movements elsewhere — it could likely be no other way.

    If there are line stuggles, what do you think are the means to carry those out so the revolutionary movement becomes stronger, broader and more powerful?

    By what means can urban classes, both workers and among the professional groups, develop forms appropriate to the cities?

    How have the existing organizations of the urban areas failed to develop communist politics and challenge the state? How can <i>these</i> errors be overcome?

    What do you, @Sukhwinder, make of the imprisonment of Dr. Binayak Sen? What efforts are being organized in the urban areas of India to stop the anti-democratic laws under which he has been jailed?

    Thank you for sharing your perspectives. Please continue to enrich the discussion.

  • Guest - somebodyelse

    Many struggles including above got its bit of a fruit and rev doctor of India is out on bail or something;

    - Of those for whom New Delhi is too far away
    POLITICS AND PLAY: Ramachandra Guha

    Chhattisgarh High Court

    Last week, the Supreme Court granted bail to Binayak Sen, the doctor and civil rights activist who had been sentenced to life imprisonment by a court in Raipur on the charge of sedition. Sen was charged with being a Naxalite sympathizer, and of acting as a courier for the Communist Party of India (Maoist). The verdict of the lower court had been widely condemned. The proceedings were farcical; with no concrete evidence to press their charge, the government of Chhattisgarh argued by insinuation and innuendo, at one stage claiming that since the police had found no stethoscope in the house Sen was not a doctor but a Maoist. Even if the evidence had been rock-solid, the sentence was outrageous. In China, professedly a totalitarian country, the writer, Liu Xiaobo, had been sentenced to 10 years in prison for speaking out against the State. A court in democratic India had awarded a life sentence for the same transgression.

    In granting bail to Sen, the Supreme Court also commented adversely on the process by which he had been sentenced. The two judges hearing the appeal, Harjit Singh Bedi and Chandramauli Prasad, said that to have Maoist literature in one’s possession did not make one a Maoist. As they pointedly added, mere ownership of a copy of My Experiments with Truth did not make one a Gandhian.

    Reading the judgment, I was reminded of a visit I had made several years ago to a jail in Chhattisgarh. In May 2006, I was part of a team of independent citizens studying the fall-out of the civil war between Maoists and state-sponsored vigilantes known as Salwa Judum. Pulling out my notes of the trip, I find that it was on May 21, 2006 that I visited the Jagdalpur jail. Built in 1919, the prison had large, tiled, airy and well-lit rooms. The rooms were built around a courtyard; each room housed about 50 prisoners.

    Indian jails are known to be small, crowded, dark and filthy. This was an exception. So, perhaps, was the superintendent of the prison, who was a tall, thoughtful, compassionate man named Akhilesh Tomar. Tomar organized a weekly dance and music show for and by the prisoners. There were other diversions; as we walked around the jail, we saw men playing carom.

    The Jagdalpur jail had, at this time, 1,337 prisoners in all. On a board in the superintendent’s office, these were classified under different heads. 184 men and one woman were classed as being ‘Naxal Vaadi Baandhi’, that is, as being incarcerated in connection with the Naxalite or Maoist rebellion. Tomar hastened to add that the classification was very approximate. Those prisoners who came from Dantewada — the district that was at the epicentre of the civil war —were usually classified as ‘Naxalites’. The superintendent remarked that this did not mean that they were all Naxalites.

    After a tour of the prison, our group was allowed to talk, one-on-one, to some of the inmates. I had a conversation with a prisoner named Dabba Boomaiah. He was a soft-spoken Muria in his twenties, from a village named Bamanpur near Bhopalpatnam. He told me the story of how he now found himself in Jagdalpur jail. He had, he said, a job as a labourer on a lift irrigation project. One day, at work, he was passed by a road-building crew, who asked him the way to Bhopalpatnam police station. He escorted them there, but was then detained by the police. They began quizzing him about the presence of Naxalites in his village. Then they asked him to join the Salwa Judum. He said he couldn’t become a vigilante, since he had a wife, two small kids and a widowed mother to support. Thereupon they arrested him.

    It was now three months since Dabba Boomaiah took the road-building crew to Bhopalpatnam police station. After his arrest, he had been taken to Dantewada jail, from where he was shifted to Jagdalpur. He had not seen his wife and children since his arrest. When I asked why he hadn’t been in touch with his family, he answered that they had never even visited Dantewada town. How then could they come to Jagdalpur, which was many hours away? However, he was in touch with a lawyer, who would represent him in a court hearing, which was scheduled for the following week. At that hearing, Dabba Boomaiah hoped to get bail, and be permitted to rejoin the family.

    I do not know whether Dabba Boomaiah got bail, whether the charges against him were dropped, whether he is still in Jagdalpur prison or has been reunited with his wife and children. A friend who knows the region well tells me that hearings are often cancelled at the last minute, as the criminal court in Jagdalpur is short of staff. Besides, cases against alleged Naxalites demand extra security, and when this is not available the cases are postponed.

    There is always the possibility that Dabba Boomaiah was a consummately gifted actor. To me, he seemed merely to be another victim of the civil war in Dantewada. In the eyes of the Raipur sessions court, Sen’s ‘crime’ was that he had talked to Maoist prisoners and was alleged to have Maoist literature in his home. The guilt they presumed was by association and insinuation, for Sen was not himself a member of the Maoist party, nor had he committed acts of violence or otherwise broken the law. Association and insinuation had also landed Dabba Boomaiah in jail. His ‘crime’ was that he happened to live in a district that had seen intense Maoist activity, and where a suspicious and paranoid state government demanded that everyone take sides.

    From what one hears and knows, there are thousands of Dabba Boomaiahs languishing in the jails of Andhra Pradesh, Maharashtra, Jharkhand, Chhattisgarh and Orissa, thousands of adivasis innocent of all crimes except that of having made their home in districts where insurgents and the police are ranged against one another. Pace the Supreme Court judgment, these adivasis have not read Mao; indeed, have not even heard of Mao. But they live in areas where Maoists are active and influential; which makes them, in the eyes of what passes for the law in these tragic, troubled parts of India, Maoists themselves.

    When the judge in Raipur sentenced Binayak Sen to life imprisonment, the home minister said that he could always appeal to a higher court. Most victims of the civil war in Chhattisgarh, however, do not have such recourse. They are at the mercy of an arbitrary and often brutal police, and of lower courts shot through with corruption and subject to intimidation. For someone like Dabba Boomaiah, New Delhi is even more distant than Jagdalpur is to his family. The Supreme Court deserves three cheers for the relief it has granted Binayak Sen, but, pending the suffering of the ordinary adivasi in Maoist-infested areas, let us not raise three cheers for Indian democracy itself.

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