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This article was originally published at Open Media Boston. It is republished here with slight edits.

By Enaa

As I write this, the Israeli Defense Forces have begun a ground invasion of the Gaza Strip. I am a  secular Jew, and myself along with millions of other Jews, hear that the state of Israel which claims to speak and act in our name - is now indiscriminately bombarding and murdering Palestinians. What stand should we take? What is the right and the wrong? The reactions among the apologists for Israel, Jewish and non-Jewish, Democrat and Republican, are to be expected: support for Israel's offensive against “terrorists” and “extremists.” Israel is praised for “showing restraint” and its “purity of arms.” After all, this is only natural for the “only democracy in the Middle East” which shares “our values.” And none of this whitewashing for Israeli colonialism should be surprising to anyone. We are under no illusions – they are forthright about where they stand.

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“Peoples do not judge in the same way as courts of law; they do not hand down sentences, they throw thunderbolts; they do not condemn kings, they drop them back into the void; and this justice is worth just as much as that of the courts.”

― Maximilien de Robespierre

Wallace Shawn is a world famous actor and playwright. He has starred in multiple roles in the Princess Bride, Star Trek: Deep Space Nine, Toy Story and Gossip Girl. Aside from such roles, Shawn is also a life-long socialist. In the excerpt from his play "The Fever" reprinted below, Shawn gives a succinct explanation of Marx's theory of commodity fetishism.


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One day there was an anonymous present sitting on my doorstep—Volume One of Capital by Karl Marx, in a brown paper bag. A joke? Serious? And who had sent it? I never found out. Late that night, naked in bed, I leafed through it. The beginning was impenetrable, I couldn't understand it, but when I came to the part about the lives of the workers—the coal miners, the child laborers—I could feel myself suddenly breathing more slowly. How angry he was. Page after page. Then I turned back to an earlier section, and I came to a phrase that I'd heard before, a strange, upsetting, sort of ugly phrase: this was the section on "commodity fetishism," "the fetishism of commodities." I wanted to understand that weird-sounding phrase, but I could tell that, to understand it, your whole life would probably have to change.

His explanation was very elusive. He used the example that people say, "Twenty yards of linen are worth two pounds." People say that about every thing that it has a certain value. This is worth that. This coat, this sweater, this cup of coffee: each thing worth some quantity of money, or some number of other things—one coat, worth three sweaters, or so much money—as if that coat, suddenly appearing on the earth, contained somewhere inside itself an amount of value, like an inner soul, as if the coat were a fetish, a physical object that contains a living spirit. But what really determines the value of a coat? The coat's price comes from its history, the history of all the people involved in making it and selling it and all the particular relationships they had. And if we buy the coat, we, too, form relationships with all those people, and yet we hide those relationships from our own awareness by pretending we live in a world where coats have no history but just fall down from heaven with prices marked inside. "I like this coat," we say, "It's not expensive," as if that were a fact about the coat and not the end of a story about all the people who made it and sold it, "I like the pictures in this magazine."


Thanks to Gregory Lucero.

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In August 2002, then-Secretary of State Colin Powell warned his boss, George W. Bush, that in their coming invasion of Iraq:


Today,on 17th June,2014,we dip our blood in memory of Comrade Krishna Singh ,member of erstwhile C.P.I.(M.L.) Party Unity and secretary of the Mazdoor Kisan Sangrami Samiti,Bihar on his 30th death anniversary .He was like a red lower blooming who planted red roses everywhere and illuminated the red flame of Maoism.Com Krishna Singh sowed the seeds of the revolutionary peasant movement in Bihar..This beloved comrade came from the ranks of the poor peasantry. He failed to complete his school education and took up a job as a casual labourer in Calcutta in a jute mill.On returning to Bihar he worked as a bus conductor in the State transport co-operation. At the call of Naxalbari he became actively involved in the peasant struggle in Aurangabad.He also organised the workers of Japla Cement factory when he was arrested. On being released he began to organise the peasantry and became the secretary of the M.K.S.S on June 17th 1984 while conducting a meeting at Jharha in Palamau district he was attacked by a landlord. At first the peasants stood up but the landlord re-appeared with a bunch of goondas and forced the peasants to flee.Showing great tenacity Krishna Singh continued to speak but tragically was gunned down. This comrade was a flower that bloomed as later several peasant activists were to lay down their lives for the cause of emancipation. The commemoration meeting held for this comrade in 1994 was one of the most emotional ever seen in Bihar.The movement of the Mazdoor Kisan Sangrami Samiti will be written in red letters in the annals of the Communist movement permanently.Revolutionary mass peasant resistance was developed instead of military annihilation.For picture of Krishna Singh please see film on youtube on 40 years since Naxalbari.It has photographs of the mass protests after his assasination.

The Mazdoor Kisan Sangram Samiti was formed in 1978The Jehanabad-Palamau region is one of the backward regions of Bihar. In addition to cultivation, the peasants have to rely on the collection of forest produce for their subsistence. In this area the writ of the landlord lay unchallenged. The situation began to change with the entry of the Unity Organisation. Learning from their previous �left� errors special attention was paid to build a mass base for the activities of their armed squads. A peasant organisation was formed - The Mazdoor Kisan Sangram Samiti (MKSS).

All old practices were questioned and landlords� authority challenged. Struggles for wage increase, against the social oppression of women and scheduled castes, and the biggest struggles arose over the auction of forest produce.The incipient movement saw three of its young activists martyred on 10th August 1982. The landlords of Bhagwanpur village in Gaya district kidnaped Lakhan Manjhi (20 years), Sudeshi Manjhi (19) and Balkishore Manjhi (15) and killed them. Lakhan was an important member of the Party�s Red Squad. In May 1984 the Palamau-Aurangabad Regional Committee of the MKSS had held its conference and plans were being made for fresh attacks on the landlords . In June 1984 the movement faced a severe loss, when the popular secretary of the MKSS, Krishna Singh, was shot dead by landlords. In May 1984 the Palamau-Aurangabad Regional Committee of the MKSS had held its conference and plans were being made for fresh attacks on the landlords.


 Today ,on June 15th ,the revolutionary communist camp celebrates the 5th death anniversary of the late comrade Harbhajan Singh Sohi ,erstwhile secretary of the Communist Party-Reorganization Centre of India(Marxist-Leninist)who was born on March 28th 1942.Since the death of Comrade Mao Tse Tung  Comrade Harbhajan Sohi was the best Marxist-Leninist theoretician or polemicist in the world overshadowing the likes of Com Gonzalo,Jose Marie Sision,Shan ,Kondappali Seetharamiah or Ganapathy.Since the death of T.Nagi Reddy in 1976 no comrade has upheld the mass line or defended Mao Tse Tung Thought as correctly as comrade HBS.Whether on the nationality question,aspect of mode of production,tactics of elections or international line Harbhajan Sohi was a master.He brilliantly handled the contradictions between the mass organizations and the proletarian party in the movement ,striving to mantain the correct relationship between the 2 bodies in practice.The document Harbhajan Sohi wrote in 1982 on' defence of Marxism -Leninism-Mao Tse Tung Thought and General Line of International Communist Movement' is the best theoretical writing by any communist leader  defending Mao Tse Tung  Thought since 1976 in the world.It brilliantly defends the edifice of Leninism  and it's basic foundations as well as refutes the Dengist and Hoxhaite positions.Comrade HBS superbly refuted forces like the RCP,U.S.A and the' mass line' group in India upholding 'annihilation.'Above all Comrade Sohi kept abreast the flame of Mao Tse Tung thought and with rock-like tenacity fought of trends of left adventurism and right opportunism.He never vacillated towards left sectarian 'boycott election ' tactics or rightist 'participation in elections.'With iron fists he led his party , traversing the most tortuous of paths facing the most hazardous of opposition.To me Comrade Harbhajan Sohi was the greatest Indian Marxist-Leninist after the death of T.Nagi Reddy who made a great contribution in the building of the C.P.R.C.I.(M.L.) in practising the massline in regions of India more than any other revolutionary organization ,even if it did not adhere to armed struggle.HBS also differentiated and defended  'Mao Tse Tung Thought' from 'Maoism' correctly defending the era as that of Leninism and Imperialism and not of 'Maoism.'.Comrade Sohi defended Leninism and it's formulations tooth and nail and defended Comrade Stalin from criticism from sections of Communist Revolutionaries.When Revisionist regimes collapsed and the bourgeois propoganda against Communism was written all over the wall Sohi defended Marxist Leninist ideology and Mao like a boulder.Sadly we never read Comrade Sohi's analysis of the C.P.I.(Maoist) which would have been one of the most accurate and enlightening lessons for the entire revolutionary camp.

.Whether on the nationality question,aspect of mode of production,tactics of elections or international line Harbhajan Sohi was a master.He brilliantly handled the contradictions between the mass organizations and the proletarian party in the movement ,striving to mantain the correct relationship between the 2 bodies in practice.Harbhajan Singh Sohi who made an invaluable contribution in building the massline and in developing the correct polemics of the International Line.He was the pioneer in the criticism of the Dengist 3 worlds theory propagated from 1977 by the C.P.C. In practice and theory he gave abject lessons on the correct relationship between the party and the mass organizations and the correct concept of practice of mass organizations.Very often there has been a tendency to confuse the party with the mass organizations and impose the party politics on mass organizations.Comrade HBS played a major role in leading the Punjab Co-ordination Committee of Communist revolutionaries in refuting the left adventurist line of Charu Mazumdar.Comrade HBS defended the Leninist concept of the party and dictatorship of the proletariat tooth and nail and fought all capitulationist and ecclectic trends like a boulder standing in a gale.He also took the correct position on nationality question and on the mode of production.I would have loved to have read Sohi's critique of Bob Avakian's New Synthesis from a Maoist perspective and of  revisionist trends.Comrade Sohi also made a concrete theoretical appraisal  of the Kashmir nationality movement  in 1990 He made a proletarian  class analytical perspective when certain groups were upholding groups like Kashmir and U.L.F.A in Assam from a non-marxist stand.Today let us dip our blood in Comrade Sohi's memory.The document Harbhajan Sohi wrote in 1982 on ' defence of Marxism -Leninism-Mao Tse Tung Thought and General Line of International Communist Movement' is the best theoretical writing by any communist leader  defending Mao Tse Tung  Thought since 1976 in the world.It brilliantly defends the edifice of Leninism  and it's basic foundations..

I have divided this work into 3 sections.Part A is  on the trends HBS suppported.Part B are messages sent in his memory in the memorial conference 5 years ago in Bhatinda  Part C is a compilation of excerpts from his major writings.


Everything about this typical liberal response accepts the framework of this system: its wars, its military, its values, its judgements.

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This essay is part of an exchange over the political economy of the U.S. working class, and over whether there are class forces in the U.S. who might potential form a social base for socialist revolution.

Part 1 of this is entitled "Working class exploitation in the U.S and the error of "parasitism" theory" and appeared here on Kasama. Leading Light Communist Organization responded with an essay "Reply to Mike Ely's Gut."

Here in Part 2, I respond to some of the argument made by Leading Light.


Intro by Mike Ely

There is widening outrage over a legal attempt to enforce copyright law on the Marxist Internet Archive -- by preventing them from posting Marx materials in English translations that have been copyrighted.

I think this is a great opportunity to (generally and actively) defend and appreciate the MIA. And to build a wide understanding (among radical people) of the unique value of this vibrant, unique new digital institution (at a time when other institutions, bookstores, Brecht Forum etc. are dying).



Reject Modi-Rahul-Kejriwal to boycott elections!
Intensify the revolutionary movement to fight fascism!(statement of Revolutionary Democratic Front)

India once again is standing on the verge of yet another parliament election. In this election almost every party has made development the central issue. On one hand the Congress is trying to lure the voters through its slogan of Bhavya Bharat Nirman of the past ten years, while BJP is foregrounding Narendra Modi’s Gujarat development model as the ideal for the entire country. A new entrant in this parliamentary farce, the Aam Admi Party is trying to project a corruption free India, as the panacea for all problems. BSP is trying to counter its rivals through its social engineering. Almost all the parliamentary parties are singing the tunes of development and are promising better facilities, of building roads, of providing income generating development and so on and the multi-national ad agencies are given the responsibility of this propaganda. While on one hand Modi’s election campaign, that costs millions of rupees, is being carried out by companies like Worldwide, Soha Square and other such international companies, Congress has selected international companies like Dentsu India, J. Walter Thomas for their propaganda. These companies are doing such a campaign through media management and social media that it seems that the people of the country are waiting for these parliamentary parties to ferry them to the other shore and act as their saviors.
Congress, BJP, AAP: same wines, different bottles: The Congress this time has changed its earlier slogan ‘Adhi roti khayenge, congress ko layenge’(we will remain hungry but vote for Congress), to puri roti kheyenge, 100 din kaam karenge, dawai lenge aur Congress ko jitayenge (We will eat, work for 100 days, get medicines and vote for Congress). While flaunting the legal rights to work for 100 days work under NREGA, Congress perhaps has forgotten that today India surpasses Pakistan, Bangladesh and even sub-Saharan Africa on the question of starvation. The number of children suffering from malnutrition is 40% which is the highest in the entire world. Ten years of Congress rule has only benefited the various companies like that of real estate business, automobile, construction, mobile communication, foreign finance agencies and so on of various imperialist forces. In different states of India lakhs of acres of land has been grabbed at a massive scale from the peasants in name of industrialization. In the name of beautification of cities slums, shops and small factories have been evicted at a massive scale too. The much touted Bhavya bharat nirman of Congress has given the country nothing but starvation, unemployment and displacement. The same is the story of the so-called Gujarat development model. In Gujarat 51.7% of children are victims of malnutrition while only 19% people have got more than 60 days of work under NREGA. The fall in the rate of employment there surpasses the all-India rate. In Gujarat too, despite protests, land has been forcefully grabbed from peasants. In Modi’s regime 16000 indebted peasants, workers and agricultural labourers were forced to commit suicide.
Actually there is a nominal difference between Congress and BJP. There is no fundamental difference in their economic policies. The book that explains Modi’s economic policy called Modinomics, which the BJP hails as a standard book on Modi has itself accepted that Modi’s economic policies are much like that of Congress Finance Minister Chidambaram’s understanding. Both Modi’s Gujarat Development Model and Congress’s Bhavya Bharat Nirman are dependent on the loans taken from imperialist agencies like World Bank or IMF. Today loans form 23.3% of GDP of the country. The country is neck dip in loans worth USD 426 million. Similar situation prevails in Gujarat where the loan of the state has increased from 45000 crores in 2012 to become 1 lakh 38 crore rupees in 2013. Both these models are dangerous for the country. The foreign countries make the state and the central government dance in their tunes with these massive loans. They force the governments to open the floodgates of corporate loot by the MNCs by implementing the policies of liberalization, privatization and globalization which is the root cause of starvation, unemployment and displacement. Since 1990 each and every government had implemented these imperialist policies, be it the Devegowda government or the Atal Behari government.
Recently the Aam Admi Party has entered the theatre of parliamentary politics. On the slogan of a corruption free India, this party is trying to grab its own share of votes on the question of economic policies, AAP leader Aravind Kejriwal has clearly mentioned that, government should have nothing to do with business and that his party is not against capitalism but crony capitalism. If they come to power they will end the inspector raaj and fight for ‘inclusive growth.’ This statement makes it clear that AAP is also in favour of privatizing the public sector and establishing a liberalized free market. They want to implement the policies of LPG more efficiently. These same policies have led to the terrible Bharat nirman of Congress and a filthy Gujarat development model of Modi that was built on corpses of Muslims. Basically there is no fundamental difference between Rahul’s Congress, Modi’s BJP and Kejriwal’s AAP. Their development, good governance and freedom of corruption – all point towards a great doom.
The parliament is a weapon to crush people’s genuine aspirations: The leaders of different colours, sitting in the parliament often sing in the same tune. Thus draconian laws like UAPA get passed in no time in the parliament, without any debate or discussion. The Indian parliament is way ahead of all other parliaments in the world in bringing draconian and anti-people laws and policies and repressing those who oppose them as well as in strangulating democratic rights and aspirations of the masses. Democracy today is limited only to the theatre of elections and for the vote-mongering forces. The people stand only as voters for these parties. The parliament has nothing to do with welfare of the masses, democratic rights, people’s aspirations and needs. Rather the parliament has become a means to repress people’s aspirations. In any case the Indian parliament has very limited rights. The executive decides on various regulations through rules, ordinances, foreign policies, defense policies, tax etc. The Indian parliament has been reduced to a law making institute which passes laws to appease the imperialist interests and the feudal powers and it regularly represses with military might, all the voices of dissent against such laws and policies. Right after the last Loksabha elections the then Home Minister P. Chidambaram unleashed more than 4 lakh paramilitary and armed police forces to crush the revolutionary movement in Jharkhand, Odisha, Chhattisgarh, Maharashtra, West Bengal and Andhra Pradesh. These forces carried out massacres like the ones in Baseguda and Sadkeguda and killed hundreds of adivasi people, in Chhattisgarh, and other regions even the army has been deployed in the name of training. Lakhs of adivasis were pushed out of their natural inhabitats.
In Maruti Suzuki plant of Gurgaon, 145 workers who were struggling for higher wages have been kept behind bars for the past one and a half years by calling them ‘extremists’. Such repressive steps ensure that workers of other factories too do not raise their voice of protests. Thousands of people of Kudankulam who have been protesting against the Nuclear Plant there have been booked under sedition. In Kashmir and North East the army is regularly slaughtering people who fight for their legitimate rights and they are forced to live a life of affront and insults. The Indian parliament is a breeding ground for forces which regularly oppress dalits, adivasis and women.
In such a way the anti-people government is constantly suppressing the resilient masses who dare to fight its so-called development policies. Under the aegis of the state various vigilante gangs are propped up everywhere. The state is recruiting a section of people in gangs like Salwa Judum, Nagarik Suraksha Samity, Bhairab Bahini, SPOs etc. and they are also used to crush the people’s movements. On the other hand Muslims are held responsible for growing poverty and starvation and they are being branded as ‘terrorists’ and ‘anti-nationals’ and are being witch-hunted and butchered. Thus a fascist model is being built in the state, which is trying to divert the people’s attention from the feudal and imperialist forces who are responsible for the distress of the people and an attempt is being made to divide the people and make them fight each other.
Both Congress and BJP are united on the question of unleashing state repression. The parliament is paving the pathway for a fascist rule. In order to bail out imperialism from its current crisis the government is hell bent on forcefully silencing every voice of dissent against the corporate loot. To intensify the fascist rule, the state is now projecting a dictatorial communal fascist figure like Modi as the new ruler and the entire machinery is being propelled to propagate his sham Gujarat Development model.
Whenever the people make sacrifices and wage valiant struggles to snatch some rights the parliamentary political forces inevitably conspire to finish that off. After decades of struggles the state of Telangana has been formed that is still stained with the blood of thousands of martyrs. The parliamentary parties are ganging up to grab the natural resources of Telangana. The tale of its oppression is yet not over. A great injustice is being done to the people of Telangana in the process of separating it from the Seemandhra. While the residual Andhra Pradesh gets the special status, which is normally given to an extraordinarily backward region, Telangana which has been deliberately kept backward and ravaged by the coastal Andhra ruling cliques in the last seven decades gets no reconstruction package to rebuild the newly formed state.
Only mass movements can fight back fascism and establish real democracy: In Maharashtra, Jharkhand, Odisha, Andhra Pradesh and Chhattisgarh the people are resisting the fascist repression and have built the revolutionary people’s government (Janatana Sarkar) at village, area and district levels. The people are evicting the exploitative and looting government from these places and taking the power in their own hands and are establishing people’s rights over their land-forest-natural resources. The people are deciding on several issues that are a part of their lives; they are distributing lands among poor and landless peasants; they are growing vegetables and crops to fight malnutrition; they are making arrangements for health care; they are protecting and regenerating forests; they are facilitating education for illiterates and children; they are doing collective farming and helping poor and medium peasants to avail of seeds and other agricultural technology. The people collectively take decisions and settle disputes. In order to end casteism they encourage inter-caste marriages and inter-dining. They are fighting for a new democracy where equality and justice will prevail for everyone and the fascist rule will dissipate to establish a real democracy where feudal and imperialist onslaught has no place; where the country is self-reliant and democratic.
Some democratic intellectuals and even some parliamentary parties are in an illusion that the AAP will counter and stall the growth of fascism. But history is witness to the fact that fascism could never be stopped through parliamentary road. Since the economic policies of AAP are no different from either Congress or BJP, there is no reason to believe that it will also not unleash a fascist rule on the peasants and workers who are fighting against such anti-people policies. That has been the track record of more or less all Parliamentary left parties as well as regional parties like SP, BSP, Samata Party and others.
The only way to resist fascism is a social revolution by which all the oppressed masses will fight a united battle to overhaul this exploitative ruling classes and establish a self-reliant and democratic country. The parliamentary parties which are attempting to fight fascism are in reality facilitating its growth. So reject flowers-brooms-hands-elephants and all other parliamentary parties and unite with the revolutionary forces to intensify people’s struggle against fascist forces.

Published by Varavara Rao, President (09676541715) and Rajkishore, General Secretary (09717583539) of
Revolutionary Democratic Front (RDF)

The following article is from A World to Win News Service. The article contains a statement by Communist Party of India (Maoist) leader Comrade Abhay, a spokesperson for the CPI (M) Central Committee which has been translated and edited for English readers. The full statement can be found in Hindi at     


India: Maoists expose elections and call for boycott


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 by Mike Ely

I woke this morning to the news that Fred Ho has died --  his hard battle with cancer ending his much longer war with capitalism.

Nude-Fred-Ho-Sax-Full.inline a2da6


Long live the memory of justice Chinnappa Reddy on 1st death anniversary!



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by Miles Ahead

Haven’t we all experienced those moments—spurred on by not only events, but within literature (fiction and non-fiction), music, film, the arts, when something resonates so deeply, that it impacts our lives, view of the world, way of thinking, and that changes our consciousness--where there’s no going back? We may have an epiphany, and that epiphany isn’t necessarily based on an individual’s direct experience. There is something very powerful with a shared collective and cumulative experience—that goes beyond one particular story.

On April 5th, Peter Matthiessen, author of In the Spirit of Crazy Horse died.


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Comrades & Friends-

We are excited to announce the publication of the second issue of Red Skies At Night: A journal of Revolutionary Strategy and Praxis. We hope that this project can serve as a platform for comradely and non-sectarian dialogue and debate among those forces seeking to build a revolutionary movement against capitalism and for the emancipation of humanity.

Table of contents:


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In the final section of my recent article, The Solstice, I raise “the party” as a key conceptual question in the era of riots. The attempt built on previous efforts by the likes of Bruno Bosteels, Gavin Walker, Jodi Dean, Jason Smith and Endnotes, all of whom have recently returned to concept of “the party” in an attempt to sever the term itself from the often repeated equation of party and state or party and delusional leftist sect. All of this has, meanwhile, been occurring in an atmosphere where intellectual forces as disparate as Slavoj Žižek and Tiqqun have been calling for a return to “the party,” at least in the abstract.

But this level of theoretical abstraction has also led to a confusion of the term in practice. For some American Tiqqunistes, “Building the Party,” has meant nothing more than the eternal lifestylist tropes: squatting a house, dumpstering food, and maybe at some point going “back to the land.” For Žižek, Dean and Bosteels, meanwhile, the separation between “the party” and social democratic experiments such as SYRIZA remain vague, tending to reinforce the mistaken equation of “the party” with electoral politics.

In order to avoid these errors, I attempted to explore the multiple and contradictory components of “the party” and, rather than referring to it only in the abstract, intended to link these components directly to examples in the present. An unfortunate side-effect of this, however, has been the risk of abbreviating the concept itself by only exploring its present formulations. I explore the process (by no means that unique) of general social partisanship made more volatile in an age of riots, but I do not explore the process (much rarer) of a thoroughly communist partisanship. The reason for this is simple: there is no actual communist party today.

On March 12th,2104 this year,late Comrade Arvind  turned 50.His life ignited a spark in the hearts of all cadres of the revolutionary movement/Although he left us so early the revered comrade illuminated the flame of Marxism-Leninsm -Maoism like a red light shimmering .He was a crusader to the revolutionary cause and one of the best comrades ever of the Communist movement.


Com Arvind was born in a middle class family from Sultanpur district in Bhela village.In 1965 his family migrated to Varanasi.He metriculated from Kating memorial Inter college and did his intermediate from Central Hindu school,Banaras. Then he joined Banaras University where he procured honous in  B.S.C..


From 10th March to 14th March the Arvind memorial Trust held a historic seminar on the question of Socialism and it's transition.It made an effort to analyse and summarize the achievements and flaws of past Socialist Societies.For 5 days about 200 people thronged the venue at Vigyan Bhavan in Allahabad in Uttar Pradesh to debate and understand this issue.The author participated in this event and in this article gives his observations.

In my view this seminar was one of the most remarkable efforts to debate and defend the achievements of Socialist China and U.S.S.SR in light of the attacks by the bourgeois current on Socialist Societies.The representatives of the Arvind memorial Trust made a remarkable effort to defend the achievements of Socialist Societies and the ideology of comrades like Marx,Lenin,Stalin and Mao as well as the mistakes of comrades like Stalin or the errors during the Cultural Revolution.I particularly praise the efforts of the comrades to defend the achievements of Stalin against the bourgeois attack on him as well as the wrong currents within the world revolutionary camp.A very analytical paper was presented by Abhinav Sinha as well as met Dr Amritpal from Ludhiana.The  latter made an incisive analysis of Stalin. Papers were also presented on Socialist China,distortions of the New Left,50 years since the general line of the CCP on ICM,analysis of Bolivarian and Nepalese revolutions,on Italian Marxism etc.The author was impressed in the meticulous work done to write the papers,particularly that of comrade Abhinav.A huge range of questions were answered.I myself presented a paper and asked some important questions.What was most important that the organizers allowed such a huge range of views to be discussed and debated and freely allowed activists to present papers and views which had variance from the line of the organizers of the conference.I was impressed with the discipline exhibited by the comrades and the efforts made to educate the cadre.It showed the commendable work done to educate cadre politically.The cadres worked day and night with splendid spirit and dedication.Few forums encourage such a broad range of views on Maoism and such abroad forum for activists to air their views.


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From March 18 to May 28 1871, working people for the first time rose up and successfully seized power, if only briefly. Their radical vision of egalitarianism and popular power has echoed ever since -- in our highest hopes.

May the memory of this Paris Commune never die! May we be worthy in our time. 

Vive la Commune!