Zapatista fusion with the people: beyond chauvinist fantasies

The following piece was written as a response to a new piece called "A Commune in Chiapas?" It first appeared on Kersplebedeb. Without endorsing all of its verdicts, I want to point out that is is both a powerful indictment of Euro-chauvinist fantasies about the Zapatista story, and an introduction to the complex process of mutual transformation through which the Mayan people transformed the Zapatistas, and the Zapatistas in turn transformed the people. It is highly relevent to our own discussions of what new communist beginnings might look like.

-Intro by Eric Ribellarsi

 

Class, Colonialism and the Zapatistas

I started off wanting to like “A Commune In Chiapas?” (This major essay about the Zapatistas, written for the English “liberation communist” journal, Aufheben, is distributed as a pamphlet by Arm the Spirit/Solidarity, Canadian anti-imperialist publishers who represent u.s. political prisoners such as David Gilbert, Albert Nuh Washington and Jalil Muntaquin.) I appreciated its willingness to criticize radicals who “project their hopes onto this ‘exotic’ struggle.”  I was ready to agree with its skepticism about the rhetoric of Subcommandante Marcos, about romantic views of indigenous life, about social democracy masquerading as “civil society.” I was glad to see that the pamphlet included some background history about Mexico and a chronology of the Zapatista uprising. Most of all, I looked forward to its attempt to analyze the events in Chiapas from a class perspective.

   I shouldn’t have got my hopes up. “Commune” is actually a pretty conservative piece of writing. Conservative in its view of class. Conservative in its distaste for national liberation struggles and radical anti-colonialism. Above all, conservative—even predictable—in its Eurocentric assumptions about Indians. A narrow form of academic Marxism acts like parental web-screening software, preventing the authors from seeing even the basic outlines of the Zapatista struggle.

   The January 1, 1994 uprising in Chiapas resulted from a fusion of indigenous peoples’ struggles for survival with a band of revolutionary Marxist guerrillas. This fusion produced an innovative movement which slammed a body blow into global capital. “Commune,” on the other hand, was written by theoreticians who lack respect for indigenous struggle and apparently have little use for real-life revolutionary Marxist guerrillas. Not surprisingly, their main message is that the Zapatistas have limited historical significance.

   The pamphlet’s aim is not so much to learn lessons from the Zapatista struggle as to grind ideological axes. The authors claim to represent the voice of moderation, avoiding what they see as twin errors: wishful thinking about Chiapas (which they ascribe to autonomist Marxists, among others) as well as a dismissive attitude among self-styled “ultra-left” groups in Europe. But actually “Commune” is squarely in the dismissers’ camp.  Like them, it disdains what it calls “anti-imperialist and Third Worldist ideology.” Like them, it applies a series of formulaic litmus tests to the events in Chiapas, and judges the Zapatista struggle as essentially backward.

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May 1 in Nepal: "If they use arms, we'll do the same"

Reports are beginning to come in from May 1 in Nepal. Kasama will share more as the develop. Special thanks to Bikkil Sthapit for sharing photos and reports.

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Thousands of workers marched through Kathmandu in rallies organized by the All Nepal Revolutionary Trade Union Federation, chanting demands for 8 hours for work, 8 hours for recreation, and 8 hours for rest. The workers delivered a 25 point demand list, chanting "implement it without change."

The crowd was led by Biplab, a leading member of the Communist Party of Nepal-Maoist, who then gave a speech stating that the unconstitutional coup government of Kil Raj Regmi has been attempting to brutally suppress their party, and that the sham elections are a part of that plan. Biplab said that the Maoists have heard the state is planning to deploy the police and the army if they disrupt the sham elections. "Our decision is, if they try to conduct the election without arms, we'll defy it without arms. If they use arms or armed forces, we'll do the same."

More photos after the break.

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May 1 in Turkey: Police Terror and Militant Resistance

There photos come to Kasama from Halkin Gunlugu, a radical newspaper sympathetic to the Maoist Communist Party of Turkey (MKP). Kasama will be translating reports from Turkey when possible.

"With 80 countries around the world marking May 1 as a public holiday, Istanbul's Taksim Square was in lockdown on Wednesday, after the Turkish government banned May Day protests there.The square is the site of a 1977 May Day massacre in which dozens of people died under disputed circumstances. Hashem Ahelbarra, reporting from Istanbul, said: "There have been scuffles, particularly in areas that lead to Taksim Square, which has been sealed off. "Protesters say they should be given access to celebrate May 1 in a place of symbolic importance; they want to honour the memory of those who were killed here. There is a tug of war under way between the government and people." Earlier images showed police spraying water at protesters who threw objects at their vehicles...

May Day marchers continue clashes with police in Istanbul, Turkey, after Turkish police blocked access to a city square. Masked protestors throw objects during clashes in Istanbul. Turkish riot police used water cannon and tear gas on Wednesday in a bid to disperse hundreds of protesters who defied a Labour Day ban on demonstrations in a central part of Istanbul. Protestors use a makeshift barricades during clashes -- Cops using teargas, water cannons."

1 mays 2013 taksim 35 04509

 

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Nepali Maoists: The coup regime elections will not be held

The fact is that this election is being conducted not for drafting of the new constitution. Instead the election is to goad the country towards party less system and also is being held or will be held at the cost of national sovereignty. That is why I would say that the entire process of the election is nothing more than a drama. This election will not be held. We will not allow it to happen.

For months now, the coup regime in Nepal has been trying to hold sham elections aimed at legitimizing a new form of oppression in Nepal. To date, 57 political parties being led by the Conmmunist Party of Nepal-Maoist have been organizing general strikes and mass resistance to the coup led by Chief Justice Regmie and three counter-revolutionary political parties. The following is an interview with Communist Party of Nepal-Maoist Vice Chairman Gajurel. It first appeared on Telegraph Nepal

TQ1: Practically all the parties have by now kept themselves busy in preparation of the poll, however, your party doesn’t appear to have been inclined for that. But why?

Gajurel:  Yes! It is true. Why to bother for such an election which is not going to be held. To recall, Prachanda and the likes had been crying for election in the past. They got tired thereafter. Now once again they have been crying in favor of election. Neither the election dates have been announced nor there the atmosphere for participating in the said poll prevailing. If not so then most of the parties may in all likelihood reject the poll. That is why this election will not be held as propagated. There is thus no question to participate in a poll which will not be held at all. That is why we are free from election fever.

TQ2: Why the election should not take place? Most of the political parties have stated that election would be held even if your party rejects the poll? What say you?

Gajurel: They will definitely say so. You may recall that they used to claim that the election would be held in June itself. But why it did not take place? They had told that the election fever was on since the beginning of February/March. So neither the country is in the grip of what is being taken as election fever, nor do the people appear that much interested in the conduct of the poll. I tell you frankly that until the basic fundamentals for conducting the poll remain not in place, Nepal will not have the poll as such.

TQ3: So what if the election is held?

Gajurel: Take it for granted that there is no chance for the conduct of the poll. What will we do in case election does take place is a matter which could be decided later? Until and unless the 25 and 11 point agreed upon by the four parties doesn’t get dissolved, none of the parties will take part in a poll to be conducted by this unconstitutional government.  So will we do? No participation in the poll.

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It's on: revolutionary openings in Nepal

CPN-Maoist militants seize prime minister's land

A profound legitimacy crisis has emerged for the anti-revolutionary forces of Nepal. As we go to press, 33 political parties, led by the Communist Party of Nepal-Maoist, are launching a national general strike (known as a bandh, a tactic where workers and militants surround and force the closure of all businesses) throughout the entire country beginning tomorrow, April 7. Let's rewind a bit and understand the root of these strikes and the crisis surrounding them.

Nepal is one of the poorest countries on the entire planet. It is one of the few places in the world that has never been formally colonized. Its monarchies more or less prevented a direct British conquest of the country (losing two-thirds of its territory in the process). The ruling army of Nepal is unlike the state of other oppressed countries where the state is usually directly integrated into global imperialism. In Nepal, the state has historically been of a feudal-nationalist type (one that bitterly oppressed the people while resisting integration into the imperialist world system).

Through a ten year long protracted people's war (liberating 80% of the country’s territory!) and torrents of revolt in the capitol city of Kathmandu, the old monarchy of Nepal was toppled in 2006. The leading revolutionary party, the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist), emerged as the largest political party in the Constituent Assembly elections (a post-revolutionary electoral body) following that rebellion. While this was viewed as a victory inside of the party, there were very different lines inside of the party about how to approach this victory.

Some viewed the Constituent Assembly as a place to expose the limits of this form, and to prepare the minds and organization of millions of people for a new national armed insurrection. They based themselves on the millions of poor peasants and Nepal's small urban proletariat, organized in dozens of mass organizations and the All Nepal Trade Union Federation (Revolutionary). Others, notably Bhattarai and Prachanda (two counter-revolutionary leaders of the party), viewed the Constituent Assembly as an end in itself, and aligned themselves with powerful international imperialist forces, NGOs, and urban middle classes.

The movement split in 2011 after a deal that brought Baburam Bhattarai to the position of prime minister in Nepal. Bhattarai had gone to the state of India (and the United States), and promised India increasing ownership of Nepal’s natural resources and industries in an agreement known as BIPPA. He had promised the Indian state to integrate 10,000 fighters from the south of Nepal (Terai) where many are pro-India secessionists. This was meant to curtail the feudal-nationalism of the Nepal Army and place it more directly under imperialist control. He ordered the handover of the arms of the People’s Liberation Army, and the dissolution of that revolutionary army. And yet, in the face of all of this, the revolutionaries of Nepal have regrouped.

They have regrouped into the Communist Party of Nepal-Maoist. They have been in preparations for a new “People’s Revolt” – a national armed insurrection aimed at bringing about a new revolutionary road in Nepal. This strategic orientation has been the plan of their party when it entered the cities from the countryside, and they are creatively innovating and investigating how to make it a reality.

The BIPPA agreement did not go well for the Bhattarai regime. This agreement was even more reactionary than anything ever proposed by the old bourgeois political parties of Nepal, who were not fully on-board with it. The Bhattarai regime’s central promise to Nepal was to write a new constitution and stabilize the country. Two years later, it has failed, providing only a new corrupt bureaucracy. The CPN-Maoist describes the new form of oppression as neo-colonialism, meaning a colonized society ruled by local oppressors (like South Africa). There is no new constitution, the country is in chaos, and Bhattarai has been exposed as a counter-revolutionary who has betrayed the people on a profound level.

In this context, Bhattarai’s ruling party, the Unified Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist), handed over the government to Nepal’s chief judge, Khilraj Regmi, who is now the completely unelected prime minister of the country. Regmi along with the political parties that handed power to him claim that this is a preparation for “fair and democratic elections.” But millions of people say it is a part of a larger coup, meant to impose a new, even more reactionary form of oppression on the people. They point out that these elections do not even claim to guarantee the replacement of Regmi as Prime Minister of Nepal.

CPN-Maoist militants have seized the land of the prime minister, and re-distributed it. They have, together with 33 other political parties, brought the country to a halt. They say this is a preparation for “People’s Movement III.” People’s Movement I was a national rebellion that forced Nepal’s monarchy to hold elections in 1991, and People’s Movement II was the country-wide revolt that toppled King Gyanendrah in 2006. More militant actions and confrontations are coming.

Meanwhile, the government has demanded that the CPN-Maoist’s security officers hand over the remaining arms that are used to protect the party’s leadership. Responding, CPN-Maoist General Secretary Thapa said, "We don’t' need the old rusted weapons, we will submit it and take new ones to the houses of people… New arms are being made in the factory… They will come to the homes of the cadres."

Let’s be alert, and prepared to stand in solidarity with Nepal's revolution if future revolutionary openings (or extreme repression of revolutionaries) emerge.

Nepal's Revolution is a Necessity: Interview with Pampha Bhushal

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"What is revolution? Is revolution still relevant in today's world? Why did the Nepalese people rise up in a revolutionary "People's War" that lasted ten years (1996-2006)?

Pampha Bhushal, spokesperson of the Communist Party of Nepal - Maoist (CPN-M), was interviewed on January 17, 2013, by BASICS CNS and Kasama Project (Winter Has Its Ends) correspondents.

She explains how she became a revolutionary feminist and communist herself, and why the intense inequality that exists in Nepal simply cannot be solved through the existing bureaucratic and semi-feudal structures. In fact, she argues that wherever there is inequality, there is a need to change the political and economic structures to bring about the representation of all and to bring about greater equality -- revolution is a necessity." -BASICS NEWS, Canada

Thanks to Winter Has Its End and BASICS NEWS reporters for this wonderful interview.

RED! Movie on communist hackers of Turkey

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RED! is a new documentary film discussing revolutionary strategy in the era of the internet and the rise of revolutionary hackers around the world. It delves into the history of one hacker group pre-dating Anonymous, Red Hack, which has actively supported the revolutionary struggle taking place in Turkey, while supporting radical and revolutionary movements around the world. 

Thanks to Zack for pointing this out.

Bambu & Geologic - We Should Read Some Books

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Bambu's "...one rifle per family." is available on iTunes and at http://beatrockmusic.com

KOE: Solidarity with Cyprus resistance to troika

Cryprus has now become the first country to reject the austerity terms of the IMF, the European Union, and the European Central Bank. Cyprus may now be expelled from the Euro-zone, perhaps triggering a Euro-wide crisis. Kasama will continue to report on these events as the unfold. -eric ribellarsi

 

The Cypriot NO represents Hope for the Peoples (20/3/2013)

 [KOE Translator’s Note: Yesterday the Cypriot parliament, surrounded by a huge demonstration, rejected, with 36 NO and 19 abstentions, the decision of the Eurogroup - which had been adopted last Friday following Germany’s demands. This unprecedented decision, to “bailout” the banks through a direct “haircut” of the citizens’ bank deposits, had initially been accepted by both the right-wing Cypriot government and the docile Greek tripartite government.]

The Communist Organization of Greece salutes the Cypriot NO and congratulates the Cypriot people, who are facing the catastrophic policy and the cynical threats of the Eurogroup’s and IMF’s loan sharks, for their Dignity. The new Cypriot NO, following the massive rejection of the imperialist “Annan Plan” back in 2004, is a proud response against the plans aiming at Cyprus’ economic devastation and pushing forward the transformation of the Republic of Cyprus into a protectorate.

The martyred Cypriot people, who have shed their blood in order to gain their Independence and are very well aware of what invasion and foreign occupation means, once again stand up and send a message of Resistance, Dignity and Hope to all the European peoples. It is in Cyprus that, for the first time, the blackmailing dilemma “Memorandum or Bankruptcy” is rejected. It is in Cyprus that, for the first time, the supposedly “almighty” Merkelist policy and the supposedly “omnipotent markets” receive a heavy blow.

Simultaneously, these developments are a slap on the face of the Samaras’ tripartite Greek government. Not only because of the despicable and docile attitude of the Greek Finances’ minister Stournaras during the Eurogroup’s meeting, where he supported the unprecedented German demands… Not only because Samaras trampled his electoral commitment to “renegotiate the unproductive and failed Memorandum imposed by the Troika”… But mostly because now it is clearly demonstrated that a different way exists: refusing the catastrophic Memoranda and imposing a negotiation, instead of continuing the submissive and servile attitude kept by the successive Greek governments.

What is expected in the immediate future is that Troika and Merkel shall climax their aggression in order to punish the “rebels”. This is why the Left must undertake immediate initiatives in order to coordinate all the progressive, anti-systemic and popular forces in Europe’s South and in the Mediterranean, focusing on the solidarity with Cyprus and expanding the Cypriot NO.

Moreover: Today more than ever, it is time for solidarity and fraternity among the peoples of Greece and Cyprus. It is time to initiate a new era of common course. That’s how the Cypriot NO will stand firm! That’s how Cyprus shall mark a victory against Troika and Merkel! Together we can build a solid prospect, without Memoranda. Together we can pave the way towards popular sovereignty, genuine democracy and social progress, for a different Greece and Cyprus in a different Europe.

Today it is time for the peoples of the South, and primarily for the Greek people, to draw strength from the example of the Cypriot people. The Left has to coordinate with the popular demand for a common march of Greece and Cyprus, abolishing the Memoranda and reconstructing our countries.

In a few days, on March 25, we shall celebrate the Anniversary of the Independence Revolution. This shall be a good occasion for our people to send the message of solidarity with the Cypriot people, but also to exalt our morale and to further intensify the struggle in order to get rid of the Troika and of the Memoranda.

Athens, March 20, 2013

Interview With A Former Book Smuggler

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BASICS CNS and Winter Has Its End correspondents caught up with Ganesh Kumar Chitaure, owner of a radical bookstore, Jagaran Book House, in Kathmandu.

Chitaure explains some of the basic inequalities along caste and class lines in Nepal that motivated him to join the Maoist movement.

He also talks about the role that he played as a member of the Maoist party and how that led to his founding this bookstore.

Chitaure also provides a brief overview of the differences and splits that have emerged in the Maoist movement now after the ending of the insurgency.